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John Knox
John Knox is
considered to be the greatest Reformer in the history of Scotland.
Knox's early
years
The exact place and date of his birth is not known with certainty,
but it is generally accepted to be a street named "Giffordgate"
in the Scottish town of Haddington in East Lothian, 16 miles east
of Edinburgh, about 1505. His father was William Knox, was a merchant
or craftsman, who fought at the Battle of Flodden - he claimed in
communications with Mary Bothwell in 1562 that his family were dependents
of Hepburn of Hailes whose hereditary castle was within a few miles
of Haddington - and his mother was an educated woman named Sinclair
- probably one of the Sinclairs of Northrig. He had a brother, William,
who later became a successful merchant too.
His father William
Knox died at the Battle of Flodden in 1513, and the boys were taken
in by a wealthy family. John obtained a liberal education in grammar
school, and at the age of sixteen he was sent to pursue his studies
at the University of Glasgow. The name “John Knox” is first recorded
among the records of the University of Glasgow, where Knox enrolled
in 1522.
| There,
he is stated to have studied under John Major - also a native
of Haddington - who was a professor of philosophy and theology
and recognised as one of the greatest scholars of his time
and great intellectuals of Europe. Majors had previously been
the foremost scholastic theologian at the University of Paris.
Major was at Glasgow in 1522 and at St. Andrews in 1531.
Unlike
the ordinary teachers of theology, Majors did not lecture
only on Peter Lombard's Books of the Sentences (the leading
textbook of Scholastic Theology), but introduced his students
to the text of the Latin Bible. Beza says that Knox began
to study with such proficiency that it was thought he |
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would one day become
a better schoolman than his master, Majors, but after reading the
works of St. Jerome and St. Augustine, he realized the errors in the
conventional teaching and left the university without obtaining a
masters degree.
Knox did teach
in some capacity at the University of St. Andrews in the early 1530s.
It was there that Knox met a man named George Wishart - the instrument
of Knox's conversion - who later fled to England to avoid persecution
of the Catholic rule in Scotland.
Although Knox
had already been exposed to the growing wave of Protestantism, his
path as a priest had already been defined for him. He left St Andrews
and by mid 1530s he had entered the orders of the Catholic church.
He served the religious establishment for the next 10 years in Haddington,
functioning as a notary (this was a task of churchmen in the middle
ages, our word "clerk" comes from cleric) and as a private tutor
to the sons of the local gentry, including Hugh Douglas of Longniddry,
in East Lothian and John Cockburn of Ormiston: both of with leanings
to the new doctrines. By 1540 he had been ordained to the Catholic
priesthood, however he did not obtain a parish appointment.
Knox's Conversion
Upon fleeing Scotland, Wishart had travelled to Germany where he
became a confirmed protestant. He returned to England, where he
had been preaching in Bristol. Then in 1544 - after an extended
period of banishment - he returned to Scotland. He became the leading
exponent of protestantism and preached the new doctrine in various
cities and towns in the lowlands.
By 1545, persecution
in Scotland was growing and Wishart was warned by the protestant
landowners (lairds) to stop preaching and lie low for a while. Wishart
refused, so the lairds decided to keep him safe from the authorities
by providing a group of "protectors" who guarded him as
he traveled from town to town, entering churches without authority,
and preaching to large crowds. In December 1545 John Knox - still
a Catholic priest, and employed as a tutor for these lairds sons
- joined these 'protectors', carrying with him a large double-edged
sword.
Bitterly hostile
to Cardinal Beaton - the pro-French Chancellor of Scotland and Archbishop
of St. Andrews and great champion of the Catholic cause - Wishart
was deeply involved in the intrigues of the Protestant party with
Henry VIII of England for the kidnapping or murder of the cardinal,
and arranging a marriage between the infant Mary Queens of Scots
and Henry VIII young son, Edward
As the danger
grew, the group diminished, and Wishart exhorted the rest to leave
him and escape danger. Knox did not wish to leave him, asking to
stay with him til the end, but Wishart replied, "Nay, return to
your home and God bless you. One is sufficient for a sacrifice."
In January 1546
Wishart was arrested by Patrick Hepburn (c. 1512-1556), 3rd Earl
of Bothwell, and and taken to St. Andrews, condemned as a heretic
and burnt at the stake on 1 March - he was to be the last and most
illustrious of the victims of Cardinal Beaton. The martyrdom of
Wishart in 1546 was the turning point in the spiritual life of Knox,
causing him to renounce Catholicism and to profess his adherence
to the Protestant faith. As a known support of Wishart, after his
burning, Knox went into hiding.
On 29 May 1546
- in retribution for Wishart's death - a party of sixteen young
gentlemen broke into St. Andrews Castle and after killing the sentry
at the gate, they stabbed Cardinal Beaton to death. The group insulted
his corpse and hung the body over the castle wall for the inhabitants
of St. Andrews to see. The group and their Reformer supporters,
proceeded to hold the castle against the government, beginning the
Protestant revolt in Scotland.
Although he
had no hand in the killing, Knox has often been denounced by his
critics for his attitude to the death of Beaton. The assassination
was approved and applauded by Knox, who describes the deed with
a gleeful and mocking levity strangely unbecoming in a Christian
preacher, though his panegyrists speak of it merely as his "vein
of humour". He describes the murder in his History, concluding with
the words "These things we write merrily." A more sober comment
of his on the murder was:
"These
are the works of God, whereby He would admonish the tyrants of this
earth, that in the end He will be revenged of their cruelty, what
strength so ever they made in the contrary."
Because of
his ties with Wishart, Knox had resolved to leave Scotland, but
Cockburn of Ormiston, whose sons John Knox was tutoring, convinced
him to enter the castle of St. Andrews as a place of safety, and
within a few months of it taking, John Knox - along with his growing
band of supporters - joined the group shut up in the castle of St.
Andrews. It was in St Andrew's that Knox received a public call
to the ministry. His fluency, sarcasm and directness earned him
popularity, and he set about denouncing the corruption of the Roman
Catholic Church, using the Scriptures as his source. His first sermon
is found in his book, “The History of the Reformation in Scotland”.
It is at this time, that he became a recognised Minister of the
Protestant Church, however there appears to have been no regular
ordination.
The Castle was
held of nearly 15 months against the regent Arran and the Government.
In June 1547 the French fleet summoned by the Scottish Queen Regent,
Mary of Guise, and on 31 July, 1547, the besiegers being reinforced
by the French and the castle was surrendered. Knox was imprisoned
with some others and they were sent away as galley slaves on board
the French galleys and at Rouen. His time in captivity strengthen
his new faith until his eventual release was not rigorous enough
to prevent him from writing a theological treatise, and preaching
to his fellow prisoners.
Knox in Exile
- England
After nineteen months, in early 1549, he was released - apparently
through the intervention of the English government - and rather
than return home, he made for England where he was safe from fresh
arrest. There the reason for English intervention became more obvious,
the Privy Council saw in Knox an opportunity to spread Protestantism
and he received a state license to preach at Berwick, where he remained
two years. There, in the parish church of St Mary, he attracted
crowds of recent Scottish converts crossing the border in secret
to listen to him.
In 1552 he was
transferred to Newcastle, and appointed a royal chaplain. He preached
at least twice before the young king, and as King's Chaplain he
took part in the revision of the second English Prayer Book of 1552.
But - with his views becoming more radical - he declined the nomination
to the Bishopric of Rochester in October 1552 and the offer of All
Hallows, in Bread Street, London, in 1553. His own alleged reason
for declining these preferments was that he thought the Anglican
Church too favourable to Roman doctrine, and that he could not bring
himself to kneel at the communion service.
In 1553 Knox
became betrothed to Marjorie Bowes - a Berwick woman - daughter
of Mrs Elizabeth Bowes and Richard Bowes - captain of Norham Castle,
and granddaughter of Sir Ralph Bowes. Knox's relationship with Elizabeth
Bowes has been a point of contention for many. Although a devout
Catholic, Elizabeth had become increasingly troubled and converted
to the new faith, she was first introduced to Knox when she went
to listen to him in Berwick in 1549. She had particular difficulty
with the Protestant doctrine of predestination, and sent Knox long
and mournful letters requesting his advice. The relationship probably
remained that of preacher and parishioner, although the tone of
Knox's letters throws a definite doubt on that. Whatever the case,
it seems that Richard Bowes was not overly perturbed by his wife's
friendship with Knox. Elizabeth may have played more the role of
mother than mistress to Knox, and she decided that he should find
himself a wife. Her choice was her own fifth daughter, Marjorie,
an educated girl of 16 or 17. There is no doubt that Knox, an impoverished
man of 35, saw this as a golden opportunity, which is probably why
her father was reluctant to give his consent. Knox and Marjorie
were betrothed but Richard Bowes refused to complete the marriage
contract and hand over the dowry, and the marriage was not completed
at this time.
Knox in Exile
- The Continent
When Edward VI was succeeded in July, 1553, by his Catholic sister
Mary, Knox continued his preaching for a time. Knox, who was outspoken
in his opposition to Mary's appointment as queen, was persuaded
to withdraw from England, and proceeded to the continent, sailing
for Dieppe (a port city in northern France), where he arrived in
January 1554. He travelled for a time from place to place in some
uncertainty, taking refuge for a while in Dieppe. In July 1554 he
went from Dieppe to Geneva, partly to consult Calvin and other divines
about whether the lawfulness and value of resisting the rule of
Mary Tudor in England and Mary of Guise, just appointed Regent,
in Scotland; but he got little satisfaction from his advisers.
In the September
1554 while living at Geneva, he accepted - at Calvin's request -
the post of chaplain to the English Protestants at the Church of
the White Ladies in Frankfort; but his Puritanism revolted against
the use of King Edward's prayer-book and of the Anglican ceremonial
processions. A huge rift developed between the Protestants who supported
the Common Book of Prayer and those who did not, and he was asked
by the authorities to leave Frankfort. On March 26, 1555, John Knox
resigned the pastorate and returned to Geneva, where he was asked
to pastor a refugee English congregation, a considerable number
of whom were supporters from the Frankfort congregation. The church
in which he preached there (called the Eglise de Notre Dame la Neuve)
had been granted, at Calvin's solicitation, for the use of the English
and Italian congregations by the municipal authorities. Many historians
cite this congregation as the birth of English puritanism.
In August 1555
he was called back to Scotland by the Scottish Protestants who needed
a leader to secure the Reformation. He was not keen to go but his
soon to be mother-in-law, Mrs Elizabeth Bowes summoned him urgently,
causing him to - as he says, "most contrarious to mine own judgement"
- set out for Scotland, arriving in Edinburgh in September 1555,
then travelling on to Berwick, where he joined his betrothed - Marjorie
Bowes - and they married.
The new doctrines
had made headway and the Reformation had progressed significantly
during his absence. He found converts from all levels of society
and was openly able to preach both in public and in the country
houses of his supporters among the nobles and gentry. Knox remained
in Scotland for nine months preaching Evangelical doctrine in various
parts of the country, and persuading those who favored the Reformation
to cease from attendance at mass, and to join with himself in the
celebration of the Lord's Supper according to a Reformed ritual.
His practice was to meet secretly in private homes for communion
in the various towns and cities where he preached. At a historic
supper, given by his friend Erskine of Dun, it was formally decided
that no "believer in the Evangel" could attend Mass; and the external
separation of the party from Catholic practice, as well as doctrine,
thus became complete.
In early 1856
he wrote
a letter - addressed on the advice of two of his noble supporters
- to the queen regent, in which he petitioned for toleration for
his co-religionists. The letter contained at the same time violent
abuse of Catholics and their beliefs, and threatened the regent
with "torment and pain everlasting", if she did not act on his counsel.
Mary seems to have treated the effusion with silent contempt, which
Knox resented bitterly; In May 1556, he was cited to appear before
the ecclesiastical hierarchy in Edinburgh, and he boldly responded
to the summons, but the bishops found it expedient not to proceed
with the trial, but they did later - in his absence - condemn and
outlaw him as contumacious, and publicly burnt him in effigy.
In July 1556,
an urgent call from his congregation at Geneva, along with the desire
to prevent the renewal of persecution in Scotland, caused him to
resume his Genevan ministry. Marjory and her mother Elizabeth gave
up the lifestyle of a wealthy English family to accompanied Knox
to Geneva, where they arrived in September 1856. Elizabeth became
his housekeeper managing the household in Geneva and Marjory a loyal
and capable wife, acting as Knox's secretary. His
two sons were in Geneva, Nathaniel born in 1557 and Eleazar born
in 1558.
He was joined
there by Mrs. Anne Locke and other supporters from England and Scotland.
Anna was some fifteen years younger than Knox, and like Elizabeth,
thirsted for Knox's spiritual guidance in the form of long and frequent
letters. Again, the language and tone of the letters raise suspicions,
but Anna's husband was quite happy to let her travel to the safer
Geneva. Knox continued to keep in contact with her from wherever
he was throughout the years.
The Protestant
nobility tried to get him to return to Scotland in May 1557, on
the ground that persecution was diminishing, and he actually got
as far as Dieppe, before discovering it was a wasted journey. He
stayed in Dieppe for a while, meeting with the Scottish Lords to
express his concerns about the ambiguous attitude of the Lords who
- motivated by self-interest - had accepted the marriage of the
young Mary Stuart to the French Dauphin, François, and the influence
of the Duke of Châtelherault.
After ministering
to the Dieppe Protestants for three months he went back to Geneva,
where he began to write some of his most popular and influential
works including hislong and elaborate "Treatise on Predestination"
published 1560; the "First Blast Against the Monstrous Rule
of Women" - directed against Mary Tudor, Mary of Guise, Catherine
de' Medici, and the youthful Mary Stuart, who had just married the
French Dauphin - and it during this period he started writing "The
History of the Reformation in Scotland".
His writings
on the rule of women caused concern with Protestants in Scotland,
and Calvin disassociated from the 'First Blast' and banned its sale
in Geneva. The tract was published on a few weeks after Elizabeth
I succeeded Mary in 1558 and she was infuriated by Knox's insubordination
and views against female rulers as a whole.The opinions expressed
in the "First Blast" tract include:
"To
promote a woman to bear rule, superiority, dominion, or empire
above any realm, nation, or city, is repugnant to nature; contumely
[an insult] to God, a thing most contrary to His revealed will
and approved ordinance; and .nally, it is the subversion of good
order, of all equity and justice.”
“...a woman
promoted to sit in the seat of God (that is, to teach, to judge,
or to reign above man) is a monster in nature, contumely to God,
and a thing most repugnant to His will and ordinance. For He has
deprived them, as before is proved, of speaking in the congregation,
and has expressly forbidden them to usurp any kind of authority
above man. How then will He suffer them to reign and have empire
above realms and nations?”
“...the
authority of a woman is a corrupted fountain, and therefore from
her can never spring any lawful officer. She is not born to rule
over men and therefore from her can never spring any lawe, can
appoint none by her gift, nor by her power (which she has not),
to the place of a lawful magistrate; and therefore, [those] who
receive of a woman office or authority are adulterous and bastard
officers before God.”
To many Knox
had become an extremist, inciting people to violence against their
ruler, and whilst they may have quietly agreed with his views, they
were much more reluctant to publically endorse it. Knox
remained at his post in Geneva until the end of 1558, imbibing from
Calvin all those rigid and autocratic ideas of church discipline
which he was subsequently to introduce into Scotland - England would
have none of them resulting in a century of unrest, persecution,
and civil war.
The Reformist
Revolution
In early 1559 Knox received a letter advising him that the Mary
of Guise - Queen Regent - was very ill and that the Scottish Protestants
were no longer in any danger. He ended his exile in early 1559,
when - after the Protestant Elizabeth I ascended the throne of England
- he deemed it safe or opportune to leave Geneva for Scotland. He
came to Dieppe, and - in response to the "First Blast"
tract - Elizabeth refused him safe-conduct through England, travelled
by sea from Dieppe to Leith, arriving on 2 May 1559.
Knox found
Scotland in a state of turmoil. The Protestant party was growing
in power and influence daily and Mary of Guise no longer believed
that the Protestants' demands were motivated by genuine religious
reasons but rather by a political agenda. She
intended to have the dissident preachers outlawed and banished at
Stirling. Over the next few months, Knox - not a man who traditionally
sought a fight - showed himself full of fight and courage.
From Leith,
Knox travelled to Dundee where he found the Protestants Lords were
firmly in control. He then moved on to Perth he preached a series
of sermons starting on 11 May 1559 which culminated on 25 May in
the widespread destruction of the contents of the St Johns Kirk
and several of the friaries by a large mob. Knox was jubilant but
he later dissociated himself from the damage caused by attributing
it to the "rascal multitude".
The Protestants
Lords, entrenched in Perth (the only fortified town in Scotland),
were now in open rebellion against the regent, who advanced with
her troops from Stirling. A conference was held between the two
groups which resulted in a treaty, by which the Protestants were
to be allowed complete freedom of worship, and no French troops
were to be quartered in the town.
Knox meanwhile
moved on to St. Andrews, and, in spite of Archbishop Hamilton's
threat that if he dared to preach there he should be saluted with
"a dozen of culverins, whereof the most part should light upon his
nose", he did preach there, and again large mobs sacked the great
abbeys, such as Scone and Lindores.
The Protestant
congregation next seized Stirling and marched to Edinburgh. Meanwhile
the regent meanwhile retreating to Dunbar. Knox accompanied them
to the capital, and St. Giles's Church in Edinburgh was the scene
of a riot, followed by the flight of the Catholic clergy.
On 7 July 1559
- the same month that Francis II ascended the French throne with
Mary, Queen of Scots - Knox was ordained as Minister of St. Giles,
Edinburgh, and became the focus of the Scottish Reformation. On
the occasion, he wrote to one of his supporters in Geneva
"We
meane no tumult, no alteratioun of authoritie but onlie the reformation
of religioun, and suppressing of idolatrie."
Knox wrote these
words while actually in full revolt against the "authoritie" of
the regent of the realm, and a stated desire to prevent the future
Mary Queen of Scots from taking the throne.
On 22 July 1559
the regent march upon Edinburgh and the eventually reached terms
with the Protestants, one of the articles of the treaty being that
the capital was to be free to choose its own religion. The Protestants
left preachers in possession of the churches, and retired to Stirling.
Mary of Guise again sought French help while the Protestant Lords
appealled to Elizabeth I, and to send Knox on a mission to her powerful
minister Cecil. Knox had already written to Cecil with a letter
for the queen which was more or less an apology for his fiery pamphlet,
the "Monstrous Blast". Knox - in a letter to Geneva on 2 September
1559 - describes his role as an envoy of the Protestant Lords, and
adds that the church now has ministers permanently appointed to
eight of the chief towns in Scotland.
Elizabeth remained
wary and unwilling to be seen as openly supporting rebels against
their ruler, initially she provided funds and sympathy to Protestants,
but after the Earl of Arran changed side, the Protestants seiged
Leith - then residence of the Regent, which had been strongly fortified
and garrisoned with French troops - and Elizabeth finally sent a
fleet to the Firth of Forth; the Protestants, thus reinforced, renewed
the siege of Leith, and the regent took refuge in Edinburgh Castle
Mary of Guise
had retired to the safety of Edinburgh Castle and was seriously
ill with dropsy. This did not stop Knox who continued to preach
from St Andrews, alleging that she had gloated at the sight of English
corpses hung on the walls of Leith from the windows of Edinburgh
Castle said:
"within a few days thereafter, began her belly
and loathsome legs to swell, and so continued till God did execute
his judgment upon her."
On 7 June
1560 Mary of Guise succumbed to her illness and the 10 Jun 1560 the
Treaty of Edinburgh was signed by representatives of England and France,
providing for the withdrawal from Scotland of the French and English
troops. The
Congregation held a solemn thanksgiving service at St. Giles's Church,
Knox of course taking the leading part, and gave a sermon that provided
a vision of the future of the Protestant state in Scotland.
After the
Revolution
Knox was preaching daily to crowded audiences about the need to
formalise the establishment of the Protestant religion, and beginning
on 10 July 1560, Parliament passed a series of Acts which would
make Scotland an officially Protestant country. A new Confession
of Faith, drawn up by Knox and his associates, was adopted word
for word; the authority of the pope was abolished; the celebration
of Mass was forbidden. The Catholic Church of Scotland was extinct,
as far as human power could extinguish it, and the Protestant religion
officially established.
The Parliament
commissioned Knox and three other ministers to draw up the plan
of church-government, known as the "First Book of Discipline". The
"First Book of Discipline" (1560) was founded on the code
of various Protestant bodies, more especially on the Ordonnances
of Geneva and on the formularies of the German Church founded in
London in 1550, both very familiar to Knox and both thoroughly Calvinistic
in spirit. It outlined the policy, discipline and structure of the
new Church in Scotland which was to have Elders, Kirk Sessions,
and a General Assembly. Under
the Book, several districts of Scotland were to be under the spiritual
charge of officials known as superintendents, until such time as
ministers were forthcoming for each parish; and there was provision
for a comprehensive scheme of national education, elementary, secondary,
and university. The
Book was formally ratified by the newly constituted "General Assembly"
of the Kirk on 20 December, 1560 - Knox was of course the most prominent
member - but many of the plans was never carried into effect, nor
were the provisions for the diversion of the wealth of the old Church
to national purposes any more effectual.
Despite this
triumph, the time was also a time of tragedy for the small Knox
family. When Knox returned to Scotland, Marjory remained with him
through the busiest and most dangerous months of his life. In November
1560, at the very time when his years of labour had began to bear
fruit, and he was slowly gaining power as the leader of protestant
reform, Marjorie died - at only twenty seven - leaving Knox to cope
with two young sons and an increasingly demanding political life.
In December
1560 Francis II King of France had died, and Mary, Queen of Scots,
decided to return to Scotland. Knox was relieved when he heard of
the Dauphin's death - "husband to our Jezebel", as he called him
- but saw the return of the Catholic Mary, Queen of Scots with great
foreboding. The whole situation in Scotland was now changed. The
Catholic earls sent Bishop John Lesley to invite the widowed queen
to land in the Catholic north; but she distrusted them, not without
reason, and confided rather in her Protestant half-brother, Lord
James Stewart, who promised that she should be allowed the private
celebration of Mass in Scotland. Mary
had wanted Knox banished from Scotland or an apology from him, the
compromise was that Knox simply pretended that the "First Blast"
was written with Mary I in mind and no one else.
The wide-ranging
proposals for the Reformed Protestant religion - outlined in the
"First Book of Discipline" - were formally passed into
Scottish Law by the Parliament on 27 January 1561. Knox turned down
the post of superintendent, instead accepting the appointment as
minister of the Church of St. Giles, then the main church of Edinburgh.
He was given comfortable lodgings in Trunk Close off the High Street,
together with the highest salary payable to a minister.
Return of
the Queen
Mary, queen of Scots, youthful, widowed, and fair, landed at Leith
on 19 August 1561. She was thoroughly predisposed against Knox,
while he and the other Reformers looked upon her with grave suspicion,
both as a foreigner and as an adamant Papist with designs of re-establishing
Catholicism in the realm. Knox's made the following very public
observation on her return:
"The
very face of heaven the time of her arrival did manifestly speak
what comfort was brought unto this country with her, to wit, sorrow,
dolour, darkness and all impiety."
and on the following
Sunday Mass was said in her chapel at Holyrood. This
began a long and often vitriolic conflict with Knox. The celebration
of mass was followed by protests and riots, with Knox publicly declaring
that
"one mass was more fearful to him than 10,000
armed men"
Very few
of the Protestant Lords agreed with his outright condemnation and
there were numerous attempts to broker a compromise between the two.
Initially it was agreed that
Mary would swear to uphold the laws of the land and continue the reformation
by forbiding the practice of the Mass anywhere within the realm in
return for permission to attend her own private undisturbed Mass in
the palace chapel. However, Knox was very much against even that,
seeing in it a first step for Scotland on the road back to papism.
| Early
in her reign Mary summon Knox to Holyrood for the first of
five personal interviews. In this interview Knox railed against
the Pope - "that Roman antichrist" - and denounced the Catholic
Church as a harlot. Whilst this was the beginning of a number
of angry exchanges between Knox and the Queen, Knox found
her no mean opponent in argument, and had to acknowledge the
acuteness of her mind, if he could not commend the qualities
of her heart. His attitude from the very beginning was unyielding
and repelling, abrupt, and confrontational, his language and
manner harsh and uncourtier-likewere.
Over the
next few years, Knox the Reformer lived a very busy life.
He was much engrossed with the public affairs of the national
Church, and at the same time devoted to his work as a parish
minister. |
 |
Despite the fact
that Marjorie's mother Elizabeth, stayed with Knox even after her
daughters death, the demands of his new life drove him to the decision
that his two sons would be best served by being sent to England where
they could be raised and educated with their Bowes relatives. Both
went to St. John's College, Cambridge.
During the seven
years of Mary's rule, Knox managed to fall out with just about everybody,
including Lord James Stuart, Earl of Moray and half-brother of the
Queen.These years saw Knox plagued with continual personal and professional
controversy and ongoing conflict with the ecclesiastical and political
factions of the day, which he regarded as his country's enemies.
| In
early 1562 he was involved in a public controversy when Abbot
Quintin Kennedy, a Benedictine of Crossragual challenged him
to a public debate on transubstantiation - the doctrine that
in the Mass, or Communion, the bread and wine used are actually
changed into the body and blood of Christ - that lasted for
three days.
Queen
Mary, after various failed attempts to win John Knox's favor
through flattery and tears, endeavored to get him into her
power by moving the privy council to pronounce him guilty
of treason based on a circular letter he had written to leading
Protestants regarding the trial of two persons indicted for
a riot in the Chapel Royal. In this letter, Knox summons the
"brethren" from all parts of Scotland to Edinburgh to defend
- apparently by violence, if necessary. |
Crossragual
Abbey |
Knox's trial
took place at a special meeting of Privy council in December 1562,
at which the Queen was present and acted chief prosecutor. Much
to Mary's displeasure, Knox was acquitted and absolved from all
blame by a majority of the noblemen present - being judged to have
done nothing more than his duty in summoning the brethren in time
of danger - and he was commended for his judicious defense.
This prosecution
saw the new onslaught of sermons against the "Jezebel".
These attacks were so venomous that the Lords of the Congregation
convened a special meeting in an attempt to tone down Knox's attacks
against Mary, but it broke down in disarray with nothing achieved.
In 1564 Mary
started having mass said while visiting the West and South-West
of Scotland, and a new Knox again preached violently against the
Queen, in this he was not alone as Mary’s mass caused many local
disturbances.
By 1564 Knox’s
views were extreme and in late 1564, the General Assembly publicly
censured him for his violence in speech and demeanour against the
queen, but Knox retorted with his usual references to Ahab and Jezebel,
and maintained that idolaters must "die the death", and that the
executioners must be the "people of God". The Lords in vain cited
the opinions of Luther, Calvin, Melanchthon, and other Continental
Protestants as entirely opposed to Knox's views, and requested him
to write and ascertain their judgment on the questions at issue.
Knox flatly refused to write to "Mr. Calvin and the learned of other
Kirks", and, as he always produced Scriptural texts to back up his
opinions, the Lords were silenced if not convinced.
A Second
Marriage
In 1563 Knox paid court to Lady Barbara Hamilton, daughter of
the Duke of Châtelherault but that suit unsuccessful. After that
- in early 1564 - he transferred his attention to Margaret Stewart
- the seventeen year old daughter of Andrew Lord Stewart Earl of
Ochiltree - where he was more successful.
| On
25 March 1564 he remarried, further irritating Mary Queen
of Scots. It
was not so much the act of taking a second wife that cause
outrage, the fact that his second wife was of royal blood
being a descendant of the Duke of Albany, younger son of King
Robert II, niece of the Duke of Châtelherault, and her sixth
cousin. Mary
fury at Knox's marraige to a Stewart, was noted in the words
of an English ambassador
she "Stormeth wonderfully" because Knox's
wife , "is of the blood and of the name".
The
significant difference in rank - with the fact that Margaret
was a cousin royal - was only one of |

Arms - Lord
Ochiltree |
the reasons the
marriage recieved much attention, the other, and potentially more
damning was the fact that the considerable age difference, with Margaret
being 17 and Knox over 50. It is thought that like his first marriage,
this second marriage was one of alliance - common in the sixteenth
century Europe - because Lord Ochiltree was an associate and friend
of Knox. However, to many of his critics, Knox had again shown where
his preferences lay, youth and social standing, with it appearing
to many that Knox courted not so much the woman, as a link to the
throne of Scotland.
He did received
a large dowry with the marriage, including the assignment of the
farm of Pennymore, or as some say, a bond upon the farm to the value
of 800 merks.
There are two
interesting commentaries on the marriage, the first is from a History
of the Stewarts of Ochiltree:
In 1564 there occurred in the history of his family, an event
which Ochiltree people contemplate with much complacency. John
Knox, the great reformer, had been a widower for fully three years,
and was now close upon sixty years of age. Never the less, he
had completely lost his heart to the fair Margaret Stewart, daughter
of Lord Ochiltree, and had demanded and obtained her hand in marriage.
This incident was of course, the subject of much severe comment
and some coarse jocularity on the part of the popish writers of
the time. One of them speaks thus:
"Rhydand there with ane gret court, on an trim gelding, nocht
lyke and prophet or ane auld decrepit priest, as he was, but lyke
as he had been ane of the bluid royal, with his bendes of taffetie
feschnit with golden ringis and precious stones, and as is plainly
reportit in the country, be sorcerie and withchaft did sua allure
that puir gentlwoman the scho could not leve with out him: whilk
appears of gret probabilitie being ane damsel of bonel bluid,
and he ane auld decrepit cretur of maist base degree of onio that
could be found in the countrie." Sua that sik ane nobel hous could
not have degenerat sua far except Johann Knox had interposit the
power of his maister the devil quha as he trnafigures himself
somethimes into one angel of licht, sua he causit Johann Knox
appear ane of the maist nobel and lustie of onie that could be
found in the countrie"
It was further affirmed that Knox's chief object in marrying
Margaret Stewart was to get into the line of succession to the
throne in the hope that he or his might some day sit thereon.
This marriage has funished the natives of Ochiltree with a short
and easy method of proving that so far as the eminence of her
sons and daughters is concerned, she stands peerless among the
parishes of Scotland. They put the case thus:
"Which of all Scotland's sons or daughters has conferred the
greatest and most lasting benefit upon this land of ours:"
The answer will probably be: "John Knox, who was certinly not
a native of Ochiltree." But this is where you give yourself
away, my friend, for a speed and effective answer is at hand:
"No doubt John Knox was a great man, a good and a great man;
but you will observe that he easily found his match and, indeed
his better half in Ochiltree"
The
second commentary is from the Annals of Scotland - Mary's Reign 1561
- 1567
John Knox, at the age of fifty-eight, entered into the state
of wedlock for the second time, by marrying Margaret Stewart,
daughter of Lord Ochiltree. She proved a good wife to the old
man, and survived him. The circumstance of a young woman of rank,
with royal blood in her veins—for such was the case—accepting
an elderly husband so far below her degree, did not fail to excite
remark; and John’s papist enemies could not account for it otherwise
than by a supposition of the black art having been employed. The
affair is thus adverted to by the reformer’s shameless enemy,
Nicol Burne:
‘A little after he did pursue to have alliance with the honourable
house of Ochiltree, of the king’s majesty’s awn bluid. Riding
there with ane great court [cortege], on ane trim gelding, nocht
like ane prophet or ane auld decrepit priest, as he was, but like
as he had been ane of the bluid royal, with his bands of taffeta
fastenit with golden rings and precious stanes: and, as is plainly
reportit in the country, by sorcery and witchcraft, [he] did sae
allure that puir gentlewoman, that she could not live without
him; whilk appears to be of great probability, she being ane damsel
of noble bluid, and he ane auld decrepit creature of maist base
degree, sae that sic ane noble house could not have degenerate
sae far, except John Knox had interposed the power of his master
the devil, wha, as he transfigures himself sometimes as ane angel
of licht, sae he causit John Knox appear ane of the maist noble
and lusty men that could be found in the warld."
Irrespective
of the reasons for or controversy surrounding the marriage, it appears
to have been a happy one. Margaret - like Marjorie - was a well educated
young woman and a devoted wife who helped him with his paperwork and
entertained his many guests.Knox appears to have lead a content and
comfortable life with his young bride, and in
the period between 1564 and 1570, Margaret bore John three daughters
Martha (b. 1565), Margaret (b. 1567) and Elizabeth (b. 1569)
Downfall
of the Queen
In 1565 Knox was again in conflict with the Privy Council in consequence
of attacks made from the pulpit on the glittering Renaissance court
of Mary where he claimed ‘all men are bewitched’ and on Mary and
her young king-consort, Darnley, in their presence, about a month
after their marriage. He was formally suspended from preaching,
but he seems to have disregarded the prohibition, remarking that
if the Church (not the council) commanded him to abstain he would
obey "so far as the Word of God would permit"; in other words, he
would obey even the Church only so far as he himself thought fit.
Later that year
Mary dismissed her Protestant advisers and proceeded to mismanage
her own affairs. For a time the Reformed Church was in real danger.
The situation in Scotland was now, from the point of view of Knox
and his friends, a gloomy one. Moray and the other lords who had
protested against Mary's marriage to Darnley were now in exile;
all hope of the queen's conversion to Protestantism was at an end;
and her Catholic secretary Rizzio was high in her confidence, indeed
her chief adviser.
Knox disliked
Darnley and hated Riccio. On 9 March, 1566 Rizzio was murdered in
front of the Queen. Whether Knox was privy to the murder of Rizzoi
is unknown, but it is known by his own statement that "the act was
most just and worthy of all praise" that he openly approved of the
act. His approval drew suspiscion, and he thought
it best at this juncture to leave Edinburgh for a time and retired
to his friends in Ayrshire for several months to avoid prosecution.
During this time he busied himself completing and publishing his
"History of the Reformation in Scotland". The book had
taken him seven years to write, and though it was sometimes rough
and even coarse in language, it was written with a force and vigor
not surpassed by any of his other writings, of all which it may
be said that whatever their faults, they are works of true genius,
and well worthy in their character of the great leader and statesman
who wrote them.
After the birth
of Mary's son in 1566, Knox
returned to Edinburgh and then several months later in December
1566 he received a six month leave of absence from the General Assembly
of Scotland. During this time he went to England to visit his sons.
In doing so,
he was not a witness of the murder of Darnley on 10 February 1567,
the abduction of Mary by Bothwell, and her marriage to him on 15
May, 1567. The queen was already - after the disaster of Carberry
Hill - a prisoner at Lochleven, when Knox returned to Edinburgh
on 15 June 1567. He lost no time in demanding that Mary be put to
death for her sins. Even after Mary's forced abdication, Knox continued
to preach against her five times a week. On 29 July 1567 Knox went
to Stirling to preach at the coronation of the young king, James
VI, when he protested against the rite of unction as a relic of
popery.
The appointment
of Knox's friend, James Stewart, the Earl of Moray, to the regency
brought Knox hope, he was again into close association with the
crown, and the Reformed church would have a power patron. However
he never regained his former prominence in the country. Knox was
haunted by the prospect of Mary's restoration. Her escape from Lochleven
apeared to justify his worst fears. Even fortnight later after Mary's
defeat at Langside and flight to England, Knox remained paranoid
and preached against the potential of a French alliance and restoration
of the Queen
"We look daily for the arrival of the Duke and
his Frenchmen, sent to restore Satan to his kingdom in the person
of his dearest lieutenant."
Knox was
disappointed by Elizabeth's lax handling of Mary and constantly feared
a plot to assassinate the Regent Moray or Mary's son, the little King
James VI. More than ever, he wanted Mary dead:
"If ye strike not at the roots, the branches that
appear to be broken will bud again (and that more quickly than any
man can believe) with greater force than we would wish."
Knox's
final years
From 1568 onwards, Knox's time was devoted to his ministerial work,
which he seemst to have carried on with many intervals of weariness
and depression. "With his one foot in the grave", as he describes
himself.
The murder of
Moray in January 1569 was an enormous blow to Knox. He preached
the Regent's funeral sermon in St. Giles's Church and, according
to one of his admirers, "moved three thousand persons to shed tears
for the loss of such a good and godlie governor".
It appears that
the shock of Moray's death compounded the health problems he suffers
as result of his time on the french galleys, and he was struck by
apoplexy in the late 1569, and never entirely recovered and nearly
a year later, in the late 1570, he suffered a paralytic stroke -
from which he recovered.
His illness
did not dull his sermons, and he continued to preach in his church
in Edinburgh, demanding Mary's death. With Moray's death Edinburgh
was plunged into disarray, and by 1571, Edinburgh was a battleground
between the factions, with a struggle ensued between those for and
those against Protestantism.
Knox was heavily involved in this turmoil.
His calls for
Mary's death rendering him unpopular with the more moderate Protestants
and with the nobles - Protestant as well as Catholic - many of whom
were his own former friends and were now lobbying for the queen's
restoration. Knox
was no longer at home or at ease in the capital and the final blow
was when a former friend of his - Kirkcaldy of Grange - switched
over to the Queen's party and issued - on 30 April 1571 - a proclamation
ordering all supporters of the King's party to leave Edinburgh within
six hours. Knox refused at first but was finally persuaded to go
in May 1571, retiring to St Andrews with his secretary Richard Bannatyne
and his family.
Knox
remained in St Andrews for fifteen months, continuing to write,
and preaching occasionally - notwithstanding his infirmities - with
his old fire and vehemence. In St Andrews, he went on ranting and
raving from the pulpit despite his old age and ill health, attracting
both admiration and dislike from the academic community.
On 31 July 1572,
the King and the Queen's parties signed a truce, and in August,
1572, Mary's allys left Edinburgh. Knox was persuaded to return
to Edinburgh, where he resumed his preaching and lecturing from
St Giles Cathedral. The news of the massacre of St. Bartholomew
had just reached Scotland, and Knox thundered from his pulpit (to
which he had almost to be carried), in the presence of the French
ambassador, denunciations of "that cruel murderer and false traitor,
the King of France". On 9 November he took part in the induction-services
of Mr. Lawson as minister of St. Giles's in his place and several
days later he contracted pneumonia. One account of his death states
that "all the noblest and best men of Scotland hung about his
house for tidings of the progress of his malady, in the vain hope
of his being longer spared", but this was not the case, and
he died some fifteen days after his last service, on Monday
24 November 1572 at his home in Trunk Close Edinburgh. He was about
sixty seven at the time.
One estimation
of his character is found in the account of his last illness and
death by his servant, Richard Ballantyne, who, after detailing the
incidents of his last hours, says,
"Of this manner departit this man of God, the
lycht of Scotland, the comfort of the Kirke within the same, the
mirrour of Godliness, and patrone and exemple to all trew ministeris,
in puritie of lyfe, soundness in doctrine, and in bauldness in reprov-ing
of wicketness, and one that caired not the favore of men (how great
soever they were) to reprove thair abuses and synes . . . . What
dexteritie in teiching, bauldness in reproving, and hatred of wickedness
was in him, my ignorant dulness is not able to declair."
He was
buried two days later in the former cemetery behind St Giles. At
his burial it was recognised that he was not a man without faults,
but the highest testimony
of his worth as a man was given at his graveside by the Earl of Mortoun,
the then regent of Scotland, in the presence of an immense funeral
procession, who had followed the body to its last resting-place:
"Here lyeth a man who in his life never feared
the face of man, who hath been often threatened with dagger, but
yet hath ended his dayes in peace and honour."
The St
Giles churchyard was resumed years later, and Knox's grave is now
marked only by a small plaque set in the roadway in Parliament Square
marks the approximate site of his grave. The plaque read :
J.K.
1572
Beneath that spot over which now trundles the commerce of a great
city, were once laid the remains of him who "never feared the face
of man"
Knox was
survived by his widow, two sons of his first marriage and three
daughters by his second wife. In accordance with the terms of her
dowry, Knox left by will to his wife the sum of 800 merks.
Margaret later
remarried to Sir Andrew Ker, the Knight of Fawdonside, but she had
no other children. Of Knox children, both of his sons died childless
- Nathanael, at Cambridge in 1580 and Eleazer who became vicar of
Clacton Magna in the archdeaconry of Colchester in 1591 - whilst
of his three daughters, the line of the eldest two - Martha and
Margaret - are extinguished, however the youngest daughter - Elizabeth
- married the famous John
Welsh, minister of Ayr, and descendents of this line still exist.
Knox the
Man
Although
he lived to see the Protestant religion established in Scotland,
Knox's vision of a reformed society was not carried through. The
nobility who supported the revolution on 1560 beleived that the
Protestant Church should be subordinate to the Monarchy and to Parliment.
They refused to endorse Knox's "First Book of Disipline", Knox regarded
this as Hypocrisy and as a treacherous deflection from Christ. Two
thirds of the Catholic Church's wealth was retained by the former
Clergy and the nobility and the remaining third was devided between
he Queen and the New Church. Knox described the settlement as "
two parts freely given to the Devil and the third between God and
the Devil."
Interestingly
for a man renown for carrying a two sided sword and advocacy of
rebellion, Knox is not a man known for his courage, on more than
one occasion he displayed a timidity or shrinking from danger scarcely
to have been expected from one who boasted of his willingness to
suffer death in his master's cause. On his own showing he was courageous
enough in his personal encounters with his unfortunate queen; but,
according to another of his Protestant biographers:
"he was most valiant when he had armed men at
his back, and the popular idea of his personal courage, said to
have been expressed by the Regent Morton, is entirely erroneous".
Despite
being a genial, amiable, and kind-hearted man in his private life,
the ferocity of his public utterances, and the absence of the teaching
of the Gospels - ie that of the gentle, mild and forgiving nature
of the Christian dispensaton - in his sermons seems in opposition
to the nature of his contemporaries, even those of the Presbyterian
church.
|
Despite
his ecclesiastical commitments and strict demeanor Knox lived
a full and varied life many social and family enjoyments.
He was quite a wealthy man, with a fair stipend of four hundred
merks scots, equal to about forty four pounds of English money
of that day - a higher salary than the judges of the Court
of Session in Scotland and an equivalent salary to that of
the English judges of the same times. He
had a good house - provided and kept in repair by the municipality
- that was previously occupied by the abbot of Dunfermline.
The house is still preserved, with little change, and forms
a the only memorial of the great reformer in the scene of
so many of his labors. It is to his credit that despite this
relative affluence Knox lived in the manner he preached, never
enriching himself with the spoils of the Church and denying
the material things in life - a trait in which he contrasts
singularly with the Protestant lords and lairds who were his
friends and adherents.
From his
will, too, it appears that he had sometimes as much as a hogshead
of wine in his cellar. Nor was he, with all his severity and
even fierceness of temper, a man indisposed in those days
to exchange friendly and kindly relations with his neighbors,
many of whom, in every rank, were among his intimate friends,
or to give way, when the occasion fitted (perhaps even sometimes
when it did not fit), to mirth and humor, of which, as of
other traits of his character, his writings furnish abundant
evidence.
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Knox's
House
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Of his ability
and his power of influencing those among whom he lived and laboured,
there is no room to doubt. His gifts as a speaker and a preacher
and of his command of his native tongue was remarkable. The best-known
likeness of Knox is the woodcut of him in Beza's "Icones", published
at Geneva in 1580. The so-called Somerville portrait, maintained
by Carlyle to be the only authentic likeness of Knox, apparently
represents a divine of the seventeenth century. An
interesting description of Knox's appearance, and especially of
his style as a preacher, in his later years, is furnished in the
Diary of James Melville (Bannatyne Club, 1829, pp. 26, 33). Melville
was at the time a student in St. Andrews, and the period he refers
to is the year 1571, when Knox, for his per-sonal security, had,
not for the first time in his life, taken refuge in that city. Melville
writes
"Of all the benefits I had that year was the coming
of that most notable prophet and apostle of our nation, Mr. John
Knox, to St. Andrews, who, by the faction of the queen occupying
the castle and town of Edinburgh, was compelled to remove therefrom,
with a number of the best, and chose to come to St. Andrews. . .
. Mr. Knox would sometimes come in, and repose him in our college
yard, and call us scholars unto him, and bless us, and exhort us
to know God and his work in our country, and stand by the good cause;
to use our time well, and learn the good instructions, and follow
the good example, of our masters. . . He was very weak. I saw him
every day of his doctrine go hulie and fear, with a furring of martriks
about his neck, a staff in the one hand, and good godly Richard
Ballantyne, his servant, holding up the other oxtar, from the abbey
to the parish church, and by the said Richard and another servant
lifted up to the pulpit, where he behoved to lean at his first entry;
but or he had done with his sermon, he was so active and vigorous
that he was like to ding that pulpit in blads and fly out of it."
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