H52061/2 History of Philosophy: from Ancient and Medieval to Modern and Contemporary

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The Transition from Medieval to Modern

 

(a) the medieval origins of modern science

 

            Ockham and Nominalism is not a bad place to start our introduction to Modern Philosophy and the world view of modern times, of which philosophy is both expression, determinant and something which people use to try to come to terms with it.  According to the German philosopher and historian Hans Blumenberg, the modern self-understanding - modern science, modern philosophy, modern art, individualism and so forth - is a particular historical and cultural response to the all determining emphasis in theory and in practice, upon the theme of the omnipotence of God in the nominalistic thinking of the late Middle Ages.  See Hans Blumenberg, The Legitimacy of the Modern Age (translated by R. M. Wallace) (M.I.T. Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1983), esp. Part III, "The 'Trial' of Theoretical Curiosity".

           

This idea is re-enforced by the work of other scholars.  For example, Professor Richard Campbell, at A.N.U.  Richard Campbell argues that the rise of modern natural science and of modern philosophy can only be explained as a result of the impact of the Christian doctrine of creation on Greek metaphysics in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.  This led to an increasing emphasis on the radical contingency of the created world as the Middle Ages progressed.  See Richard Campbell, "The Radical Contingency of the Created World", in Human Beings and Nature: Historical and Philosophical Studies, edited Greg Moses and Neil Ormerod (Sydney College of Divinity, Kensington, 1992), pp. 35-51.

 

            Indeed, something like this idea has become fairly commonplace in popular writing trying to explain how come modern science originated in the Christian West rather than in the technologically more advanced Chinese or Indian cultures.  The Christian doctrine of Creation provides just the right world-view for stimulating empirical scientific research.  The natural world is the free creation of a wise and intelligent and also benevolent God.  In so far as the world is a creation of an intelligent and wise God we can expect it to be intelligible, that there will be laws to be found, it is not just chaotic; and in so far as God is benevolent and merciful and created us in His/Her image and likeness, we can expect those laws to be somewhat intelligible to us human being.  On the other hand, in so far as the world is the product of a free creation - God didn't have to do it, nor do it the way S/He has done it - if we want to know what the laws which God has chosen actually are there is no alternative but to go out and look. 

           

Compare also A. C. Crombie, Robert Grosseteste and the Origins of Experimental Science (Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1953).  He finds the origins of experimental science in the West in the 13th rather than the 17th century.  It had its origins due to the fortunate coincidence of three factors: the experimental bent of the practical arts (e.g. what built the medieval cathedrals, and later on windmills etc.), held in much higher regard in the Middle Ages than in ancient times when they were the preserve mainly of the slaves and lower classes, looked down upon by the aristocratic scientists;  the theoretical bent of the Greeks newly inherited via the Arabs; and finally, once again, the Christian doctrine of Creation.  The Fransciscan love of nature also helped a bit.  Crombie traces a continuity in methodological theory and inheritance of concrete contributions in the sciences from Robert Grosseteste 1168-1253 through to Galileo, Francis Bacon, Descartes and Isaac Newton in the 17th Century.  It was centered in Oxford and Paris until the middle of the 14th Century, at which stage the important works gets done in Italy, especially Padua, and in the Germanies.  There was in fact something of a lull in the 15th and 16th Centuries.  What is called the 'Scientific Revolution' of the 17th Century should be seen as more like a revival, taking up where people left off a few centuries previously, but now with new and much more powerful mathematics (invented by Descartes, Pascal, Leibniz and Newton) and better, more precise experimental apparatus.

           

Crombie illustrates his thesis by reference to medieval work in the science of optics, starting with Robert Grosseteste, continued by Albertus Magnus, Roger Bacon and the Silesian, Witelo (born about 1230) and culminating in the (correct) explanation of the rainbow put forward by Theodoric of Freiberg (died about 1311).  This medieval solution, never completely lost, was taken over and improved upon in the 17th century, first by Descartes and then by Newton.

            Other important names in Medieval science were Nicholas of Oresme and Jean Burican. 

            Nicholas of Oresme, c. 1320-1382, was a Frenchman and a Nominalist (follower of William of Ockham) and centred in Paris.  He came up with the idea that the distance travelled by a uniformally accelerated body is proportional to the square of the time, i.e. d   t2.  Later Medieval scientists noted the further fact that falling bodies were instances of uniform acceleration.  Galileo: in addition, all bodies of whatever substance or weight fall in a vacuum with the same uniform acceleration.  Oresme also toyed with the concept of the movement of the earth every 24 hours with the heavens remaining stationary, though he concludes by opting for the traditional position.  He also had a theory of money.

            Jean Buridan, another Frenchman, again an Ockhamist, was born before 1300, was rector of the University of Paris in 1328 and 1340, died after 1358.  According to Buridan, a projectile continues in motion because of impetus given to it by the moving cause, and impetus  is proportional to speed x the quantity of matter.  Where he differs from Galileo ('impeto'  v x m, = what we usually call 'momentum') is that Buridan considers 'impetus' to be a moving cause, the cause why the projectile continues in motion after it has left the bow; whereas for Galileo it is an effect and measure of the motion, not a moving cause: a moving body continues in uniform motion in a straight line unless acted on by an external force, so it doesn't need a  cause.  Buridan is also credited with a certain example used in discussions about the nature of freedom, 'Buridan's ass' = a donkey mid-way between two luscious bales of hay and starving to death because the donkey doesn't know which one to eat, the two bales being equally luscious.

            Such people as these were themselves building on the work of earlier people like Robert Grosseteste 1168-1253, an Englishman, working in Oxford and then Bishop of Lincoln; and the Franciscan Roger Bacon, another Englishman, 1210 - c. 1292, and a host of others. 

           

The great achievements in natural science of Kepler and Galileo and Newton are, to this extent, but the culmination of work that had been going on since the renewal of learning and the impetus of ancient wisdom in the early Middle Ages - rather than something that happened overnight in a vacuum. 

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(b) the revolution in thinking which cumulative advances in the physical sciences nevertheless helped to give rise.

 

            For all that, when you compare the beginning the end of the story, the world of intellectuals in the late 13th Century with that of equivalent intellectuals in the mid 17th Century, it does become appropriate to talk of a revolution.  In this sense, Modern Philosophy is the philosophical part of a genuine, rather general revolution in human thinking, in respect of global picture, in the thinking of intelligent and educated people and after a time lag even of everybody, about Nature, and about the place of human beings in regard to both Nature and the Divine.

 

            In the Medieval synthesis of Christian theology and Aristotelian philosophy and science, the universe of St Thomas and of Dante (1265-1321), the world was a complex, qualitatively differentiated universe, a 'great chain of being', with God at the apex and human beings, a kind of 'microcosm', in the centre.  You have the earth (for university trained intellectuals after the input of Greek physical and mathematical astronomy, Plato and Aristotle and Ptolemy, recognized as a sphere) at the centre of a finite universe, set there purposely by God for the abode of human beings and as the stage for the drama of struggle and redemption.  About the sphere of the earth revolved the moon, the sun, the five other planets then known, and the fixed stars, each set, so they thought, in transparent crystalline spheres concentric about the earth.  God and the redeemed dwelt probably in the outermost sphere, which constituted the heavens.  God as the 'unmoved mover' (an idea from Aristotle) kept the crystalline sphere of the stars in rotation, and the planets between moved by the frictional resistance between the nesting spheres.  Hell was probably down towards the centre of the earth.  Purgatory at the antipodes, opposite Jerusalem.  The universe was definitely finite, the distance even to the outermost sphere of stars not unimaginatively far away.  Dante could travel through all the spheres in the course of seven days.  All in all, they had a neat, imaginative world view in which human beings, in spite of their problems, felt pretty much at home.  People had not yet developed that alienation from the natural world which we are now protesting -- at least, not nearly to the same degree.

 

            In the universe of 17th Century intellectuals, the world is imaginatively large.  The earth, just another planet, goes around the sun, which is just another star.  There is no longer a fundamental difference between earthly and heavenly bodies, no privileged place to which all bodies tend.  Nature is now considered one big mechanism, a huge clockwork, this now the root metaphor.  Colour, sound, taste, smell are not real, they are only 'secondary qualities' (Galileo, Descartes, Locke).  The only things that count as real are those which can be clearly and distinctly known (Descartes), that is to say the geometrical properties of bodies, extension, figure and motion.  Even the human body is just another machine, albeit a very complicated one - thus also Descartes.  The heart = a pump - thus Harvey.  All animals apart from human beings are machines in toto, according to Descartes.  So there is nothing wrong with vivasection.  The world may be God's creation and even show forth the divine wisdom, as the creation of a 'subtle Mathematician'.  But it is not as if God is present in it, it is no longer a divine epiphany.  God is the Architect of the Universe, the Clockmaker; the Universe is just a colossal machine.  In this picture, Nature, God and Human Beings are all different. 

 

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(c) Further factors in the transition from Medieval to Modern Times:

 

1) the breaking up of Christendom and the rise of the Nation State

 

2) the Black Death

 

3) religious termoil, the Reformation, and Wars of Religion

 

4) the voyages of discovery, the opening up of the 'New World', the invention of printing, economic development, the 'mercantile revolution' of the 15th and 16th centuries, international banking, the invention/adaptation from the Chinese of gunpower

 

5) the Renascence, and the turn back to Pythagoras (maths, worship of the sun), to Plato and the Neo-Platonists rather than Aristotle (Plato also very strong on maths), and the ancient Atomists Democritus and esp. Epicurus.

 

6) a forerunner, belonging to both world: Nicholas of Cusa, 1401-1464, breaking out of the Medieval mould by way of a Neo-Platonic influenced mysticism.  He has an influence on modern philosophy mainly via Giordano Bruno, born Nola 1548, burnt at the stake in Rome in the Campo dei Fiori in1600 A.D., a follower of Copernicus like Galileo after him and Kepler before, but a martyr to philosophy rather than science: the problem was with his 'magical' neo-Platonic world view, which was regarded as pantheistic.

 

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(d)The Three Traditions in Science 1500-1700

 

            There has been some quite interesting work done recently on the immediate intellectual background to the scientific revolution or revival in the sciences in the 16th and 17th centuries.  See especially Hugh Kearney, Science and Change 1500-1700 (World University Library, London, 1971).  According to Kearney there were three traditions in science in this period, three discovery producing paradigms, with the magical as probably the most productive during the time in question:

ORGANIC: going back to Aristotle, Galen in medicine and Ptolemy in astronomy = the established position in most European universities until about 1650, including e.g. Willaim Harvey;

MAGICAL: Neo-Platonic, influenced by the Hermetic Writings and the Jewish Kabbala, including Copernicus, Bruno, William Gilbert (magnetism) 1540-1603, Paracelsus, Johannes Kepler, and even Isaac Newton at least partly.  These people believed after all in action at a distance, something which the mechanists found unintelligible.  Isaac Newton spans this paradigm and the next one, with a foot in both;

MECHANISTIC: background in Greek Atomism and Archimedes, including Galileo, Mersenne, Gassendi the Atomist, Descartes, Hobbes, and Robert Boyle.

The Mechanists eventually came out on top but never totally, and for sociological, political and theological reasons as well as scientific. 

 

            See also David Ray Griffin, in The Reenchantment of Science, pp. 10-13, for more references; also the Templeton Lecture at Sydney University last year by John B. Cobb.  Feminist writers have also made some good points about this: see Evelyn Fox Keller, Reflections on Gender and Science (Yale University Press, New Haven, 1985), Part One, Ch. 3, for the play of sexism in the development.  Also Carolyn Merchant, The Death of Nature: Women, Ecology and The Scientific Revolution (Harper and Row, 1980), esp. Ch. 8, "The Mechanical Order".

 

            We start the next unit, on Modern and Contemporary Philosophy, with Descartes precisely because the mechanistic world-view did come out on top, because like it or not he and his colleagues determine us, and we are trying to understand ourselves.  But please note that there was something contingent about the triumph of this world-view in its own time, and that it does not appear to be necessary for the doing of science, not in its early stages and almost certainly not any more, when every element within the picture has been undermined by the development of science itself.  Whatever, please note carefully that the situation in the 17th Century was much more complicated than the impression you are likely to get in the first part of that course.

 

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MEDIEVAL

 


Developments in Science

+

A number of other factors

 

MODERN

 

 


ORIGINS OF MODERN SCIENCE??

 

IN THE HIGH MIDDLE AGES!

 

FACTORS MAKING FOR THE ORIGIN OF MODERN SCIENCE?

THREE MAIN FACTORS:

 

GREEK WISDOM

Into Europe,

Via Arabs and Jews,

1150-1250 AD

 

MEDIEVAL PRACTICAL ARTS

Cathedrals, windmills, eventually mechanical clocks

City based and more highly regarded than for the Greeks

 

THE CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE OF CREATION

The omnipotence of God and the contingency of the created universe.

 

 

 

THE CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE OF CREATION

 

BOTH

 

INTELLIGENT

: there are laws to find

 

AND

 

FREE

:you have to go out and have a look if you want to know which ones

[and also

MERCIFUL!

:we have a fair chance of finding them if we look well enough!]

 (What the 17th Century adds: that the fundamental laws will be mathematical in character: a renewal of the Platonic and Pythagorean tradition coming from the Renascence, God as subtle mathematician; plus enormous improvements in both maths and scientific instrumentation.]

 

 

MEDIEVAL SCIENCE: THE GREATS:

 

Robert Grosseteste

 

Albert the Great

 

Roger Bacon

 

Theodoric of Freiberg (rainbow)

 

Nicholas of Oresme (accelerated motion, maybe a moving earth)

 

Jean Buridan (impetus, plus donkeys)

 

RENASCENCE SCIENCE

 

 


GALILEO and NEWTON

 

 

THE REVOLUTION IN THINKING 1300-1700

 

FROM

 

A closed, comfortable, finite, qualitatively differentiated

WORLD

 

TO

 

An infinite, alien, mechanistic, clockwork

UNIVERSE

 

 

OTHER FACTORS IN THE TRANSITION

 

1.         The fall of Christendom and the rise of the Nation State (pope versus emperor, nation state coming up the middle)

2.         THE BLACK DEATH from 1347 onwards

3.         Reformation and Wars of Religion (leading to the demise of theology as the epitome of knowledge)

4.         Voyages of discovery, the New World, Printing, Gunpowder, Economic Developments

5: The RENASCENCE:

: a return to

 

PLATO (and Pythagoras)

i.e. Maths

 

and

 

EPICURUS (Atomism) and also ARCHIMEDES

 

Plus

 

RENASCENCE HUMANISM

Esp. Thomas More and Erasmus

 

 

THREE TRADITIONS IN SCIENCE 1500-1700

 

ORGANIC (Aristotelian, somewhat Ockhamized)

Inc. William Harvey

 

MAGICAL or Alchemical

Inc. Copernicus, Kepler, Bruno, Gilbert, and to some extent Isaac Newton

 

MECHANISTIC

Inc. Descartes, Galileo, Gassendi, Hobbes, Robert Boyle, and to some extent also Isaac Newton.

The Mechanistic Paradigm came out on top, for religious and socio-economic and political reasons as much as for any scientific value.

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