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This dissertation is given to the analysis of representations of the ‘other', in particular the images of the formerly colonised India. Populations of the Far East have been described and pictured through various mythical, romanticised, exotic and troublesome discourses, to name a few. It is these images which aid people, in this instance readers of The Times newspaper, to construct ideas of what Indian culture and society is like.
These ‘common sense' representations have been developed throughout history to the point of being accepted as opposed to questioned. As I will discuss how such 'naturalised' views serve a hegemonic function. For example, the cultural understanding of India within Britain, is related to the Taj Mahal, brightly coloured cloth and sari's, spicy food and followers of Islamic religions. This is not an incorrect perception as such 'stereotype' images can be witnessed and experienced in reality, on visiting the country. However, it can be suggested that such images reflect a small section of Indian culture and provide a specific reading using a pre-determined narrative.
It is this narrative that reconstructs the country on which readers base their own imagined reality. During the colonial period The Times developed a reputation as an imperial style paper and represented the ‘other' using a familiar formulae. It was important for readers to recognise scenes, such as the then imperial signs of British aid, The Queen on a royal visit, people with diseases, Indian women in sari's and a country functioning with primitive systems alongside western symbols of modernity, to make sense of the seemingly irrational existence. In this instance a constructed reality of India was created and then reinforced.
In addition, writing in such a style also constructed an identity for The Times. Having defined itself as an imperial agent it appealed to the bourgeoisie and the connotations of it's reporting were more weighted than for example the later representations featured on television or radio. As a provider of inter-national news it becomes a reliable source of information and offered security which enabled people to feel part of the Empire and the overseas experience. Representations of poverty, civil war and helplessness, based on historical reasoning, can be seen as both reassurance and a threat. It can be an economical threat due to the ‘support' required and the inevitable mass migration movements but also a reassurance of feelings of superiority and that the poverty wasn't happening to 'us'. Thus the images and narratives themselves have an invested interest and function within society being a weapon of war as they stimulated feelings of togetherness and unite a nation through patriotic pride.
Current debates surrounding the 'stereotype' representations of this subject seem to fall into two opposing categories of 'Black is victim' and 'Black means trouble'. This in itself offers binary opposition of the aggressor and the victim both of which are negative images.
Chapter one is a historical account of the relationship between India and Britain and is based upon extracts from archives of The Times. Discourses drawn upon to write about the ideological divide between the East and the West are Eurocentralism and Orientalism. Eurocentralism or Eurocentric thinking establishes European countries as the political and economical global centre and labels other countries the East, Middle East and Far East accordingly. This thought is embedded in history and in the past when talking of literature or philosophy it was presumed to be western. Such discourses enabled the west to perceive India as less and inferior in comparison to they and thus patronised any concept, action or methodology that was of Eastern origin.
Orientalism was invented to accommodated the experiences of the colonial rulers who struggled in their attempt to grasp an understanding of the populations of the Far East. This discourse provided a means of projecting a romanticised oriental and exotic representation within Britain in a way which promoted the strength of their Empire.
"Orientalism as a western style for dominating, restructuring and having authority over the Orient."[1]
This moves further to be a discourse of hegemony, the method of ruling which I describe was used by the British as a coloniser and thus became the foundation of the European, Indian relationship. This subtle means to enforce foreign cultural ideologies was entitled 'The Civilising Mission' and was fuelled by British systems and institutions which bombarded India and destabilised parts of it's culture and society.
Explaining various events that took place in British Indian history in chapter one, I highlight the classical portrayal of civilisations of the 'other'. This changed to echo an ideological shift as India moved to revive parts of it's own cultural identity and ideologies of caste and religion in their strive for independence. Such movements were reconstructed in The Times, which wrote for the British Bourgeoisie classes about the natives in terms of their loyalty and disloyalty to The British Raj. Despite being in Britain, as opposed to India, the readers felt they were part of the Empire, it was their British Empire and their India, and so such rejection was thought to be felt and stir up support for British movements, however drastic and objectively barbaric. The relationship between the Empire, The Times and the bourgeoisie slowly progressed after independence until representations radically changed as the Raj's position of power did.
Chapter two looks at contrasting contemporary representations in recent copies of The Times and The Times of India. (The Times of India is not connected to The Times of London in any way.) This provides the opportunity for comparison as The Times of India offers a very different construction of reality which moves against simplistic and stereotype images. It instead projects an image of a vast country with a complex culture based on numerous languages and dialects, caste systems, degrees of cultural development and economic extremes throughout rural and urban dwellers, ranging from the very wealthy to the severely poor. This offers notions of modernity and descriptions of a technologically advanced economical market, the extract I use is related to scientific developments and systems within the medical and chemical field.
The Times of India seems to be writing for people with Indian connections and so describing only scenes of poverty and British relations would be a negative discourse to enter. As a specialised paper their readers would probably have invested interests and existing knowledge about the intricacies of Indian culture and society both within and outside the imperial portrayal. As anticipated, The Times continues to write in the discourse of India as the weaker 'other', which suggests that Edward Said's theories on Orientalism still ring true in the 1990' s and that there is evidence of the developed imperial style relationship between Britain and India. Therefore the main thrust of my argument is that Britain sees itself as the superior west in comparison to the inferior east and it is possible to identify that this thought is supported by The Times.
It is readily accepted today that there is a division between the West and Eastern countries. This separation isn't governed by a line but is one which has come into place by a difference in ideology. This divide is of interest to both sides, since each wants to learn of the other. Thus representations play a part in educating as they are received on both sides of the fence and help individuals and masses to construct an image of faraway lands.
In this chapter I am exploring the representations of India that were given to the people of Britain by The Times newspaper during the period of Imperialism and post Imperialism. These eras were experienced by Britain as a coloniser and India as the colonised and it is this relationship which is of interest. I have chosen to use extracts from The Times archives of the 20th century to begin this historical account, offering a reading through theories of ideology, hegemony and representations of the ‘other'.
In the first half of this chapter I give definitions of the terms imperialism, ideology, hegemony and representations of the 'other'. I begin my argument by suggesting that when the British Imperial Empire invaded India they attempted dissemble the existing social structure and establish a hegemonic one in which they would to be the ruling class l population. This leads to the discussion of how the British introduced their ideologies, some of which were taught directly to the natives whilst others crept in more subtly. The role of The Times during this period can be identified as an imperial instrument. This can be seen within the reporting of India at this time which persistently emphasised the demanded for loyalty from the indigenous people to the British Raj.
The second half of this chapter looks at the decline of the British Raj which begins with the division of the masses and continues with India's national liberation movement, as a counter action to Imperial rule. I analyse how the relationship between the two countries changed and consider how the native Indian's maintained a subtle defence to British ideologies which grew into a revival of their own ideologies. For some time the post Independent representations remained the same, continuing with the themes of 'them and us' with India being portrayed as a country in trouble. This changed during the 1960's when there was a turn around in the representations as Indian was involved in the Sino-Indian war. It is the shift in the power of British ideology that is of interest and how this movement or pattern is reflected in the writing of The Times.
On a global scale this was an era devoted to the dividing of territory outside Europe and the Americas. The great Imperial Empires fought to be the central power by conquering indigenous people, claiming foreign lands and increasing their own personal wealth. Tantalised by the stories and myths that told of fortunes which lay beyond the horizons, exploring could arguably be seen as the primary motive of the mass Imperial movements. However, romanticising such movements as a quest for knowledge and adventure would be ignoring this example of embedded western ideology; the Europeans saw the world in terms of what could be consumed. The additional factor mentioned is the existence of the ‘other’ the concept of which I will explain further on.
Imperialism, being a movement of economic gain motivated by notions of capitalism, also encouraged global political competitiveness and each country fought to claim the title and prestige of being the superior empire. As a word, imperialism became part of the western political world during the 1890's, and was heavily used by the press to describe overseas movements and encourage public support, for example through feelings of national pride. A given description of the importance and meaning behind the word is; a term
"...used to denote the most powerful movement in the current politics of the western world"[2]
From this quote it can be said that Imperialism was used specifically to describe the primary interest of the press which was to stimulate support on the Home Front. This was achieved by creating feelings of being involved and part of the collective which would benefit greatly by success. The status of the indigenous people or their feelings of being invaded were of little interest.
It was in India that the British gained this position of supreme greatness. At face value, given the size of India and it's population of 400’000’000, it may seem impossible for the comparatively smaller British military force to have over powered the natives. It is possible to suggest that the status and reputation of the 'Empire', which was growing in Britain, spread beyond building a reputation of a greater and more powerful army as it went, thus promoting inter-national fear. This self image of power encouraged the army to believe in it's own ability to succeed, boosted morale and led to encouragement from the Home Front. On invading the sight of the reputable flags, military emblems and British soldiers in uniforms all fulfilled the feared fantasy of power by symbolising the imagined technically advanced force. Therefore the press played an important part as an agent for the British Empire.
Throughout the 18th and 19th century the larger military armies of France and Britain asserted their individual strengths to dominate territory and ports with regions being handed back and forth until Punjab was last to fall into British control in 1849. The populations of India itself had little control or power to resist these invasions as it's own empires and kingdoms were divided. At this time the British empire occupied 115 of the land surface and was respected for the power of her armies.
On successfully conquering India the British saw themselves as superior in military terms and as a race. When creating an identity for the indigenous population within Britain it was built on notions of difference. The white, educated British presented themselves and their ideologies as a definition of what it meant to be ‘civilised'. In comparison the natives with their own ideologies and culture, were believed to provide meaning of what it was to be 'savage'. This principal is echoed by Edward Said's writing in Orientalism when he refers to the old European colonies as the 'civilisations' of the other.
On the Home Front this observation was used as a narrative to justify the British methodology of establishing hegemonic control. By educating the natives to exchange their ways for a civilised existence the British supporters believed this was a mission of Christian goodness, an introduction of the correct morals and a raising of consciousness which would save the primitive people from their barbaric ways. This representation was seemingly approached with curiosity by the Indians on one side and with whole heartily encouragement by the bourgeoisie.
Notions of the civilising mission was a way of defining Britishness, expanding western culture and secured power by ideological means, therefore was at the core of the hegemonic structure that was to come - Another trait of imperialism is that it concerns cultural domination through enforcing, in this instance, western ideologies. The binary oppositions of civilised and uncivilised, superior and weak were at the foundation of the relationship between Britain and India which I discuss is reconstructed in The Times.
The initial success on the battle grounds enabled the British armies to take control and claim Indian territory. To retain this position over the natives and to begin trading there was a need for peace and co-operation. Stuart Hall explains that this is possible to achieve by restructuring the native society, he theorises that an existing society, in this case the Indian one, can be attacked and broken down.
Ideologies or ideas are embedded within society and it is these 'ideals' that help people to make sense of the world, a given definition is
"..ideology means any set of beliefs motivated by social interests, then it cannot simply signify the dominant forms of thought in a society"[3]
This quote can be read to illustrate how ideas and false ideas help the dominant class or power, gain it's position. British ideologies were found in their transport systems, the people they bought in, the family structure, trade, language, established churches and the civil service that they introduced to Indian society. Ideologies therefore also existed within Indian society and can be predominantly recognised at this time as being their caste systems and religious beliefs.
Gramsci continues with such theories of ideology by saying that in the absence of old systems, or Indian systems of trade and transport etc, it is possible to introduce new ones which belong to the ruling British. This provides boundaries and a new direction to encourage feelings of stability and unity to the somewhat stunned and increasingly disabled nation. This can be identified as a method of gaining social domination and the achievement of a hegemonic rule. For hegemony to be achieved a whole class, or in this case nation has to be in power, as does it's philosophy. For this to work and for the native population to accept the new ideas and systems (whilst they are vulnerable and open to influence their own beliefs are deep rooted), the ruling power has to teach their ways and define their methods. To aid acceptance and co-operation there is a need to provide benefits and incentives to stimulate the desire of the natives to learn.
On the other side of the coin for the people of India, Imperialism was a time of suppression. Their country and systems, as they knew them, hung in 1imbo and their culture became destabilised as the systems they received to define themselves, as individuals and as a society were removed and replaced. It was important for the British to keep the Indian culture in a such a state to prevent it from growing and regaining power or for there to be constant conflict between the two. This worked because the indigenous people become fragmented and therefore vulnerable with out their usual boundaries.
It can be suggested that the representations of India in Britain were ideologically constructed to portray a specific image, as opposed to be a reflection of the day to day activities of the armies or intricacies of Indian culture. In this instance, as I have suggested, the image constructed supports the ‘civilising mission'. The choice of creating such a representation was to stimulate the thought that Britain was helping a helpless race which in addition would complement the image of their prestigious empire and their inter-national reputation.
Representations of India during the early years of the 20th century were based on this relationship of the Imperial or coloniser and the subordinate colonised. When the British saw the people of India from the position of one mass to another viewing India as the 'other' the Indians were considered to be different. This difference was interpreted primarily through eurocentric thinking which meant the east became known as the east, the ‘other' or the ‘orient'.
On arrival to the orient the west found it hard to find word's to describe their 'new discovery' because of it's extreme difference to anything that had been seen before. The knowledge and desire that lead the empires to India also encouraged a strong sense of commitment to labelling their findings.
Levi Strauss considers that;
"Mind requires order, and order is achieved by discriminating and taking note of everything placing everything that the mind is aware in a secure, refundable place therefore giving things some role to play in the economy of objects and identities that make up an environment." [4]
Looking at this situation in terms of the reports written in The Times, there was a need to built a sense of rational and logic to help understand the seemingly irrational and illogic culture of the ‘other'. British ideologies provided a self representation and the people of India a comparative. This comparison aided Britain to define themselves and the ‘other' in terms of both who they were and who they weren't.
"It is enough for 'us' to set up these boundaries in our own minds, 'they' became 'they' accordingly, and both their territory and their mentality are designated as different from ‘ours’" [5]
This can be analysed through this semiotic theory of the 'other' where in this case Indian's was the other. The existence of the new population provided a subject on which it could project it's power and domination and a population which added to an understanding of it's own civilised status. The status of the Indian populations were emphasised by The Times as it created the roles of the 'needy' and the 'missionary helper', Britain representing itself as a surrogate figure with Christian aid to the helpless victims of infantile India by reporting stories of famine and disaster.
"Millions of Starving Indians are turning to the colonial government for help as their meagre food supplies dry up in the widespread famine." [6]
This is an example of how The Times supported the civilising mission by aiding India whilst promoting it's own reputation. By doing so it created a mythical image of itself as well as one of the east thus creating a 'reality' or stage on which the west and east play role and develop their identities.
The extreme difference of Indian culture and ideologies stirred an element of fear as they could have been seen as a potential threat to the security of the familiar western world. These feelings of fear were curbed by the way the image of India that was filtered into British society. I suggest that the people of Britain were provided with a representation which compromised the day to day reality, and this Edward Said writes in Orientalism is an example of how raw differences were 'treated' to aid acceptance. He suggests that to use the discourse of another culture, he talks of the Orient, it has to be broken down into understandable parts.
Orientalism is a model for;
"Learning, discovery and practise a collection of dreams, images and vocabulary available to anyone who has tried to talk about what lies the other side of the Eastern dividing line." [7]
This model and narrative offers an explanation of how the British described their findings. Being so baffled by the difference yet committed to explain and publicise what they found whilst enforcing their differences they broke the discovery down bit by bit, highlighting their own strength.
Britain moved towards co-operation and peace as they constructed a trading post at Surat in Gujarat in accordance to a charter of Queen Elizabeth 1. Simultaneously they established transport systems, starting with the Indian railway networks, to aid trade and improve national communications across the new mass of land. The actual physical presence of the machinery, trade buildings and transport systems symbolised capitalism as well as carrying introducing ideologies through the people they brought in.
Other contributing factors to the establishing of a hegemonic structure were the incentives and 'benefits' given to the natives in return for their co-operation and the necessary re-educating to allow this. As Jyotsha G Singh describes in "Colonial Narratives", Indians were taught to take on the views and ways of the British and English literature provided a way of doing this. The introduction of the English language gained power as it passed on knowledge which intrigued the natives. The British were very aware that native Indians would only co-operate if there is a native in particular the elite who desired to be educated. Shakespeare was introduced to Indian society, theatres and music halls were built to recreate the social scene of metropolitan London in Calcutta and similarly to The Times these were agents of the British Raj.
"Indian Empire, or no Indian Empire; we cannot do without Shakespeare! Indian Empire will go, at any rate, some day, but this Shakespeare does not go, he lasts forever with us." (Thomas Carlyle 1840) [8]
This signifies the introduction of British ideologies by the actual buildings, the play s that were performed and the actors themselves. The play houses were initially built for the British merchants, official and officers. Gradually small parts on the stage were given to natives and elite Indians were allowed to attend. This provided a channel to introduce western thought in an attractive way which encouraged acceptance and therefore co-operation. This is an example of one of the many British ideologies that was successful in penetrating Indian society.
The elite Indian's held positions of power and responsibility within British industries and government and the British rule was able to continue to grow in wealth through co-operation. The other side to this 'benefit' was that it played a part in the civilising . mission and gave meaning to what was considered to be civilised. This also pointed to the ways of the uncivilised giving the natives a feeling of inferiority.
This picture of the binary oppositions of the civilised and savage, coloniser and colonised, helper and needy was built upon and represented in terms of the degree of loyalty and respect the Indian people had for their rulers. A question worth considering then is why should the invaded populations be loyal? As I have suggested there is the attraction of the benefits that were dangled and the seemingly better quality of life the ruler brought.
On being invaded, the people of India were thought to welcome ideas of modern development as this would be a practical help to their problems of their over populated country. It was understood that by gaining the knowledge of the west it would help them help themselves, for example by learning new methods of agriculture by developing the methods that were used to farm their crops it was possible to maximise their resources and aid the existing disadvantaged land ratio to people. For the elite castes they gained the opportunity of education and jobs.
In receiving benefits and incentives the natives were willing to put up with their repressed state and invest in it, thus witnessing notions of hegemony in action. In return for these benefits the people of India were taught to understand this notion of loyalty;
"The heaven-born breed of colonial administrators tolerated and even encouraged the bribery corruption system because it provided a cheap machinery for the exercise of control over restless and often dissident populations. For what it means in effect is that what a man wants (e.g. to win his law suit, to get a government contract, to be given a birthday honour or to get an official job) can be achieved by doing a favour to the man with power to give or with-hold. The 'favour' done need not be a gift of money (that is crude and a few Europeans in India soiled their hands this way). It could be a gift of friendship and respect, lavish hospitality, or the gift of funds to a ‘good cause', but above all, loyalty to the Raj.” [9]
It can be argued that initially the Native Indians were taught the meaning of loyalty under threat. However, when they were flooded with benefits from the British rule and provided with new ideologies co-operation became 'natural'. This quote establishes the narrative of loyalty that the Indian people grew to understand and follow. It can be argued that it is a false one based on fear with little choice. By using this behaviour in everyday life the people were submitting to the British Raj and encouraging the British control. However, having the definition it has it also encourages people to pursue their own interests and personal gain by being part of the Raj, therefore can be read to be working to every individuals benefit.
Criticisms of ideology mapped out by Terry Eagleton in his 'Introduction to Ideology' are that people can achieve beyond themselves to someone else's interest. The example he used was that people could learn to be mathematical if their wage packet was at steak. Similarly when the natives were told that they were inferior they did in fact become so and developed the desire to learn and become like the superior. Thus with loyalty they were taught to be loyal and when told they are loyal they found pride with themselves.
Having initially been intrigued by what the foreign rulers had to offer it was only a matter of time until the natives developed a fuller understanding of how the British ideologies were conflicting with their own. An article written in 1906 in The Times entitled 'The Forces of Loyalty' questioned the feelings of the Indian natives and the power that the British still had. This quotation illustrates the turning point in Indian loyalty and the divided thinking between the masses and the elite educated castes indicating the beginning of the liberation movement.
"But though the agricultural population has no political convictions, individuals among them will always be found willing to support and, if necessary, fight for certain persons to whom they stand in a relation of dependence or attachment" [10]
The wealthier elite castes witnessed the negative aspects of the capitalist ideologies and began questioning the British rule and all that it entailed. The masses however, were thought to remain loyal as they still had a need of the British aid. Eric Hosbawn offers an explanation for this in 'The Third World' where he writes that the masses of the poor didn't believe in the western ideologies as it may have appeared, yet still remained loyal whilst it was beneficial.
This can be taken further when it is considered that India, being made of masses, means that the rural and newly urban were physically miles apart and that the rural areas didn't have the same re-built British structure as the urban areas and if anything were left deconstructed. A repercussion of this was that by increasing the opportunities of education for the urban dwellers the gap between the rich and poor widened.
This illustrates a large divide of thought and development within Indian society as the perceived united mass of the ‘other' becomes fragmented. For the British this began the problems of ruling a fragmented mass in which each group had to be treated differently. In addition this indicates a change in ideological power as the questioning of the British ideology by the elite castes, as opposed to acceptance, led to a fragment society and the beginning of the Indian rebellion. As a result of which the British had an awakening and they begin to see more of the divisions within Indian culture and developed a fuller understanding of the ideologies of the ‘other'.
Thus in reference to the above, different sectors within the Indian society behaved differently to the liberation movement, this according to Amilcar Cabral is based on personal and economic interest. During the period of national movement the rural and lower castes of society were alienated whilst others could see and feel the benefits more. Similarly the elite castes benefited from the imperial rule in terms of education they too would benefit from a state of liberation by being the ruling power. This divide between the ruling class and the masses had to be overcome as cultural unity was important for the movement of liberation to succeed. This was achieved by a strong revival of the Hindu faith which united people across all castes.
It is not only important to consider the use of ideologies and the role they played in imperialism but also in the national liberation movement. The domination that Britain desired was only possible, as I wrote earlier, by suppressing the Indian populations and restructuring the Indian society. Similarly to the British using their ideologies as a weapon to aid power and maintain domination the natives kept their ideologies, even if somewhat suppressed and used them as a means of self preservation and a weapon of resistance. The national liberation movement was a revival of India's own identity and can therefore be pin pointed at the core of the liberation movement to achieve independence from foreign ideologies.
During the first world war the Indian National Congress party volunteered their services and contributed towards the war effort under the supervision of the British military. On what could be seen as a superficial level, this encouraged representations of loyalty and unity between the two countries. The actual experiences of the Indian soldiers overseas however, encouraged the opposite. This was a period of realisation, the first being that during the mixing of individuals from both populations it brought to light differences of the two cultures. Having lived in close proximity, the natives found their own feelings and identity were being suppressed and disregard as inferior. An example of this being, the Hindu/Muslim religious beliefs and dietary attitudes towards beef and pork.
The second realisation was that as a nation they could fight. This I suggest is a double paradox of division within unity. The first being the division between the Indian and British ideologies and the sudden unity within the Indian race. The second being the acknowledged differences within the Indian castes which were represented in The Times now became unified within the collective Indian identity. This realisation catalysed the need of freedom from the British rule and ideologies and brought about the overall public desire of self rule.
During the re-educating and civilising mission the Indians enjoyed British literature and theatre and used it as part of their own culture but interpreted it in their own way. This indicates how British ideologies were accepted but only to a point and the natives had their own ideologies which were sites of resistance. Thus it became part of their culture and not their entire culture.
"Culture is simultaneously the fruit of a people's history and a determinant of history, by the positive or negative influence which it exerts on the evolution of relationships between man and his environment, among men or groups of men within society, as well as among different societies." [11]
This quote illustrates how culture leads to individual and groups accepting common ideologies. As Terry Eagleton writes in his explanation of ideologies, whilst fundamental beliefs and ideologies are embedded within societies, they can be seen in peoples' attitudes as they inter-act one with another and on a greater scale, one mass with another through the differences. Since these form the basis of the nation's culture it can be considered important for them to use their own philosophy and grow in the direction of choice. Being held in a state of suppression denied cultural growth and a part of the nations own history.
In Amilcar Cabral's writing on 'National Liberation and Culture' she suggests that culture determines the ideologies of society both physically and historically. Therefore national liberation could be seen as the other side of the imperialist coin. Presented with British ideologies and the goods the invading empire had to offer, the liberation movement of breaking away was difficult. They had to find their own identity and gain self belief to move beyond feelings of inferiority and their labelled uncivilised traits.
At the centre of the movement that proceeded was the liberation leader Mohandas Ghandi. Having returned from South Africa in 1915 as an experienced lawyer in fighting for racial suppression he started his passive resistance strategy. He encouraged everyone to strive to be self-sufficient and if a person could not then it would be the aim of their family, village and district. By encouraging people to be content with what they produced themselves as individuals and countries, 'needs' would be reduced and distinguished from their wants which could trap them into discontentment. This it seems was the first real threat to the British so far politically unchallenged rule.
"The objective of national liberation is, therefore, to reclaim the right, usurped by imperialist domination, namely : The liberation is the process of development of national productive forces." [12]
The notion of freeing from British national productive systems can be identified in the work of Ghandi and it was important for him to have the knowledge of the peoples culture whatever their economic development. Gandhi acted upon his philosophy of 'self reliance equals independence' and demanded that India boycotted foreign goods, particularly cloth. Indian children were withdrawn from the Government schools as a sign of the beginning of rejecting the British principals and government. Reading on from the previous representations and rational relationship the two races have, this action could be seen by the British readers as biting the hand that feeds.
It can therefore now be seen how the educating of India worked to the British disadvantage since the populations of India out numbered the British minorities. So whilst the British Imperial systems of trade and ideas of modernisation had inevitably transformed the lands of India and Indian society, to which Eric Hobsbawn suggests in 'The Third World' that the level of consciousness of the this transformation isn't known, they also led to the challenging of their systems.
Despite the seemingly democratic negotiations surrounding the liberation movements, there were several protests and violent outbreaks. During one, known as the ‘Amrista Massacre’, a British general gave the command for the British military to open-fire on an unarmed crowd. This resulted in mass death and left the National Congress party questioning British methods and acceptance of change. Extremists began having strong feelings of distrust and moving with these feelings of doubt. Ghandi began a series of protest marches which increased the Hindu Indian support. This had a knock on effect on the Muslim League Ministries who began their own fight for independence.
These movements towards independence led to the representations of native Indians as being disloyal. To illustrate this movement of feelings against the Imperial ideology, The Times wrote of the differences between the unified Indian culture, which again illustrates the change of vision from seeing a mass to individual aspects of the culture. The focus in this particular extract confronts a specific ideology that was never accepted; Christianity. In this article written by the Right Rev. Bishop Wilkinson, of North and Central Europe, about the decline of Christianity the words and opinion of a Hindu about the Christian Britishness were;
"Parents of native children turn round in indignation against the government and say - Are you aware of the mischief you are doing by your secular education here in India? Your science, your education, has made our children irreligious, agnostic, atheistic. You say you are giving us light; your light is worse than darkness." [13]
Having the title 'Frontier Problems' shows that this early in the 20th century the British Raj wasn't running smoothly and this quote outlines a fundamental difference in ideologies that the two countries held. It can be seen that in trying to enforce the dominant British ideology this is one instance in which the British failed. Muslim and Hindu faiths are examples of ideologies that the natives didn't sacrifice. This article discusses the neglect of Religious education in British Schools I suggest in hope of encouraging a greater emphasis to be placed in this area of the Civilising Mission.
In a direct manner the Hindu response to the discussion strongly condemns the British and suggests that their ruling had a negative impact on the native populations. Whilst they may have initially seen the aesthetic appeal of the British methods they were now experiencing the negative aspects of the impact. This indicates the actual move from imperial domination and a weakening of the ruling ideologies. There were then two parties with different ideologies and whilst India had no desire to rule, however, Britain did still have the intention to rule India. Imperialism can been seen as a direct attempt of enforcing a hegemonic structure with the use of ideology.
By the second world war, with the constitution as it was, India was brought to fight alongside the British allies. At this point the rejection of the British ideologies was taken a step further with The National Congress party refusing to aid or contribute their resources to the war effort. The Muslim League Ministries chose to participate independently as they considered the Liberation movement to be a move towards the new Hindu India in which there wasn't a place for them.
After the second world war, the old Imperial empires were too weak, despite a victory, to regain their previous positions. In addition there was another rebellion in 1942 inspired by the congress party which was given the slogan of 'Quit India'. The major turning point was when a substantial number of soldiers formed an Indian National Army and sort Japanese support. The enemies of the Imperial rules were available and keen to assist in the fight for liberation. The Japanese marketed themselves as a helper of liberating colonies within the group of nations of the collective 'East Asiatic Nations'.
By gaining support from the enemies, the anti-colonial forces against their 'common enemy' the colonised people walked from one power to another and were requested once again to support another country before themselves. This therefore slowed down their own liberation movements as their energy was divided between putting effort into breaking away from the imperial rule and systems and resisting the Fascist ideologies of the Japanese. To make anti-colonial and anti-fascism movements easier the India developed and strengthened their own ideologies, by turning their social structure back to religion and caste systems. Despite the west and other eastern countries knowledge's of India these ideologies had remained a virtually anonymous area of Indian culture. Thus Islamic movements that had developed between 1918-1945 moved into the forefront to fight for liberalism and against communism.
The effect of these actions and movements were further complicated when in 1940 the Muslim League requested land of their own separate from the Hindu India. Britain decide that the creation of a new constitution would be in the hands of India itself and that she would not be taking sides with the minorities. By 1947 the act of Indian independence brought about agreements which terminated the Suzerainty of the British Crown, allowed the right for a patrician creating a Muslim Pakistan, an open option to be in the commonwealth and the right to full self government. Britain withdrew from formal power since they understood it was the only way to keep some control, before it became obvious that they couldn't continue to have power.
There were difficulties in the early stages of self rule and there were still conflicts between the Hindu and Muslin communities. Despite Ghandi's endeavours to find a peaceful compromise allowing the two races to live together in harmony in their new independent country the patrician diving the Indian Empire and Pakistan was drawn. Britain was required to step in which reassured the nations position and it's power despite the Independence of India. Britain's position was again that of importance as both new countries opted to be part of the common wealth. The main interest in Britain was the role Britain played and what this would mean to 'us'. The representations featured the violence that erupted as the borders were enforced and mass emigration occurred.
The enforcement of the 'Line of Actual Control' between Pakistan and India wasn't a peaceful one, fleeing refugees both Muslims and Hindus alike, were attacked as they moved to their designated areas. Neither side agreed with the place or position of the actual line and so the administration was a long process and the repercussions on the surrounding communities and areas are said to still be felt today.
A quotation from The Times during this period describes the extent of problems within the new India as opposed to stories of a celebrating liberated nation.
"It is reported that there has been a large exodus of refugees into Kashmir state from the adjacent districts of the Punjab, where looting and arson have caused many Sikhs and Hindus to evacuate their homes." [14]
Britain was still very much involved this time looking at the ‘other' from a distance. The aim of Independence was to throw off the repression of a foreign dominant ideology to become a united state. This was reported as a paradox showing a new united nation who was still very much self divided. The overall representations of this could be seen as nothing has changed. The 'nothing has changed' writing of The Times allows the British to remain superior and separate from India whilst reassuring Indian based British businesses that life will continue as before Independence.
Whilst India and Pakistan moved towards peace on January the 30th 1948 Gandhi was assassinated by what was described as a Hindu fanatic. Indira Gandhi became the new leader of the Indian Congress party and it was believed that she was employed to act as a peacemaker to intervene and calm the internal quarrels of the party, again another indication of conflict.
From here on much of the reporting covered issues of political interest rather than cultural, writing and was mainly concerning the line of Prime ministers in both Pakistan and India, the civil wars between the two countries over Kashmir, the border line and the Sikh holy city of Amritsar. An example of the reporting on the various outbreaks and the attitude the two countries have can be seen clearly in the following quote.
"India does not favour an immediate resumption of diplomatic relations with Pakistan,…" [15]
Once again the two countries were in a head lock. There was still the occasional need for the UN to interact and peace moves to be made but the feelings appear to be very much them and us. The distance again encouraged critical observations on the way India and Pakistan were conducting themselves.
"Five thousand Pakistani refugees from the Bangladesh war may remain stranded in Nepal because there are insufficient funds left in the repatriation fund sponsored by the United Nations to fly them home" [16]
Again a negative representation which excludes the nation from the other participating countries reminding the British of their superiority and the readers of the countries original primitive savage and poorer image. This could be seen as an act of reassurance to the British readers. Other negative images that were received in Britain were of the new Indian government being corrupt with various arrests and civil war resulting further division between east and west Pakistan.
In 1956 there was an important incident during the concluding years of British Imperial history, known as the Suez Canal Crisis. The Canal, which connected Britain to India and flowed through Egypt, was used by the French and British to avoid going around the Cape of Good Hope to secure their trade. The shares of the water ways were predominantly owned by British companies and so when the French and British invaded Egypt, and America in an anti-imperial bid became angered, the French withdrew. When America withdrew their support of British movements it marked the beginning of their two week confidence loss. In this instance America presented itself as a more dominant western nation with it's own more powerful ideology.
Whilst globally Imperial power hasn't ended as such, it has moved to be experienced by others; it was in the hands of the British, then America and is now moving towards the hands of the Japanese. After the decline of the British Imperial empire Britain created unity between themselves and the old colonised countries, in what is called the commonwealth.
Britain moved beyond imperial times and took the capitalist discourse into another phase, turning their attention to home looking for self development and fulfilment which involved ploughing time and money into home rather than abroad. During the 18th and 19th century the industrialisation of Britain had what could be classified a modern society. This emphasised the need and demand for raw goods to fuel the development, which were gained during imperial rule, and by the 1930's efficient production had become a primary concern in British industry. Products were being made on mass and marketed towards all sectors of society fulfilling the demand to saturate the consumer market at home and on the inter-national front. Such technical advancements allowed newspapers to play a major role in inter-culture communication.
During the time of post colonialism the 'I'-ness of eurocentric thinking of self centred importance was written and spoken about less. This was a period of accepting and showing a certain sensitivity towards the different ideologies that were held by the east, thus also being a time of change in British society. Immigration into Britain brought about a society made up of different races and cultures. Britain changed from a singular society to a multicultural one. Such movements pushed back the boundaries of the 'other' giving the imagined India a more conceivable and less alien image.
The British had to re-think their perspective and relationship with the ‘other' seeing them more as eastern neighbours and considering them for who they are as a separate individual nation. This brought along with it the discourses of post-orientalism and post-eurocentralism. The different cultures brought unfamiliar ideologies which clashed with the then native British and then a division of society into subcultures. The culture of Britain was no longer divided by wealth but also divided in thought, fantasy, opinion, occupation and roots.
This brought about plural ways of thinking as individuals and whole sub-cultures inter-twined and cross circled. The 'self' has become fragmented and one can define oneself in terms of nationality, colour, gender, religion etc. and relate to others on one or more of these common grounds. With today's raised consciousness there are more choices and freedom for all, various movements push for equal rights in all areas of society to move towards a time where difference is accepted. Multiculturalism is therefore the counter action to eurocentralism.
Moving on to look at representations from the angle of the third party, an example is the Sino-Indian war. China was a threat to India with it's own Imperial power. In this instance The Times isn't implicated in the clash but appears to be reporting as an 'objective' third party.
A treaty was formed to stabilise the relationship between China and India and hope of - coming to an agreement over Tibet and their trade relations. The treaty was one based on respect for each other and carried the slogan ‘Indians and Chinese are brothers'. The border line dividing the land of Tibet between the two was drawn in 1914. At this time the Sino-Indian relationship was to mutual benefit and suited both countries equally. However, the exact positioning of the border line began to cause problems and the treaty didn't dispel fears that the Chinese were not holding to their brotherly bond. It was discovered that China drew maps claiming Indian territory and this fear was found to be a realistic concern as in 1955 the Chinese troops crossed the border line and built a road joining themselves to Tibet across the Indian territory of Kashmir. It took two years for the road to be discovered amongst the vast land.
In 1959 Indian soldiers confronted Chinese guards at the road side questioning their positioning according to the 'agreed' border line and were killed. This began what was named the 'Cartographic War'. By 1962 India and China were fighting over territory as the Indians were determined not to be held by the Chinese aggressors.
In a Survey of India that was carried out by the Times in 1962 the following opinion was expressed over this conflict.
"A common presumption of Western thinking about Asia sees India's democratic way forward as competing with communism in china for the allegiance of the rest of the continent. Whether or not any evidence supports this mirror image of western anxiety it is nevertheless true that China is the more closely studies of the two societies." [17]
The significance of this quote is the realisation the British express marking their acceptance that China's ruling ideology was communism. The Times talks of the communist rule and acknowledges that it isn't simply a minor incident that was happening over in the East. Instead it was seen as an important development and a potential ideological threat to India.
"...economic progress remain as dominant as they were when independence was achieved. It can be seen in retrospect how much India gained from a nationalist movement that had gone through many struggles so that its political judgement has stood tests whereas other countries, launched smoothly into independence, have been much less stable thereafter." [18]
This reporting, as indeed the entire survey carried out by The Time s portray the radical shift of the British views on The Indian Nationalist Movement. Just 15 years after the India's movement for independence the Indian people who were then condemned and spoken about in the discourse of betrayal are now praised for their progress. India's National Liberation has been accepted which illustrates a shift in discourse from The Times speaking about the indigenous people in terms of the 'other' to 'one of us'.
In this first chapter, I have discussed how Britain gained power over India and in doing so created representations of the orient and uncivilised populations in the east for it's own gain. I have considered that the discourse of loyalty was taught to the native Indians by the British as an agent which helped the enforcing of the hegemonic structure of the British Raj. This was used as the basis to measure the British Imperial success as the Indians were represented in The Times with regards to their loyalty and disloyalty. The emphasis was primarily concerning the difference of the indigenous Indian culture and their betrayal against the imperial power. The Times demanded loyalty and in the article titled "The Forces of Loyalty 1906" looked beyond the masses and questioned it in detail.
To identify an ideological pattern I looked at the success and acceptance of the dominating imperial British ideologies. The repressed Indian populations had their own ideologies, of caste and religion, which acted as sites of resistance to these foreign ideas and led to the decline of British power as the Indian masses fragmented. The national rebellion, in pursuit of independence, led to the British realising the diversity between their own and the Indian ideologies. In addition I suggested that the creation of the east/west divide was based on more than economic hierarchy or geographical separation and was established alongside territorial boundaries as a divide of ideologies.
The extracts that I have used also aided the discussion of the representations in terms of an ideological shift from British dominance to Indian independence. Images of the 'other' were imported primarily by word of mouth from one to another and then and on paper to masses. The Times began with a basic ‘description' of the 'newly discovered' which grew over time to paint a fuller picture of the savage natives and their ideologies. Ignorance of the 'other' has often been identified through history as the down fall of many a great nation. The 'ignorance' factor in this case being that all peoples have a culture of their own and that culture isn't a privilege gained and dictated by capitalist power by a rite of every population
I conclude that the fall of the British dominance can be seen partly as an example of failed notions of hegemony and partly the British fall in economic status and financial change during the war. This has been illustrated by the representations which changed in the space of 60 years from the Indian natives being the ‘other' uncivilised nation to the post Sino-Indian conflict "one of us". With regards to the ideological shift the reporting of the Sino-Indian war brought about the feelings that India and Britain were united and China became the ‘other'.
When the fall of the British Raj inspired the uniting of nations under the umbrella of the common wealth, it could have been presumed that this was to be the end of imposing dominant western ideologies in India and imperial style representations in The Times India would then finally receive an encouraging representation as an indication that the culture of the ‘other' had been accepted and binaries of the colonised and uncivilised east would be used only to talk of the past. However, in the 1990's this is only partially true.
In many ways a fuller picture of India is received through the aesthetically appealing images drawn by the tourist industry, the technological representations through international businesses, Indian literature as well as eastern ideologies brought in by visitors and residents of Britain's multicultural society, to name a few avenues. In this chapter I discover how India is still on many occasions represented in The Times over the past year in accordance to Edward Said's theories of the orient and compared to the affluent, techno western 'us'. To emphasis this slant in the second half of this section I offer the counter argument and use The Indian Times to draw a comparison between day to day news worthy stories selected and those featured as overseas news in The Times of London.
In chapter one I looked at characteristics of the represented ‘east' or what Edward Said labelled the Orient. Whilst this division isn't marked it is a discourse that has been written into history. Edward Said writes about this as a man-made geographic sector which is in touch with reality and based on substance. So the east does still exist as do the cultural differences but he suggests that the actual ideologies are harsher than those represented. When looking at news stories that have been written over the past year, it is possible to see that India is still written about in the stereotype 'oriental' way. The descriptions are what we expect to see as they fit into the common sense image that was spoken about by Edward Said - the advanced West and poverty stricken East.
I suggest the relationship between India and Britain today is still based on a complex hegemonic structure. Whilst the hegemonic structure between the east and the west was seen to fail within India during the imperial rule there are now signs of an achieved hegemony through consent. This is what Gramsci called cultural leadership with classes or sectors having more influential ideas than others. This relationship was seen to be flexible enough to allow India to join the 'us' but still remain subordinate within the hegemonic structure where they are inferior and measured/praised in comparison to the dominant British ideologies of capitalism.
As the accepted outsider to the Europeans India is seen as weaker partner and representations today are based on learned judgements and past impressions. There is still evidence of the ideologies which were imposed by the west during colonial times and it is this method of reporting that is offered to the British readers as opposed to writing based on new knowledge.
Nehru's (the first Prime Minister of Independent India) philosophy to rule was based along the principals of capitalism as India continued to look to the West to define itself.
"no country can be politically and economically independent...unless it is highly industrialised..(and the economy), based on the latest technical achievements of the day, must necessarily be a dominating one." [19]
This supports the ideologies of the west by saying they are the superior ones and it confirms the India aspires to the same goals. It denies the revival of traditions can also be seen as a further dividing of the masses as the Indian ruling power moves away from the pre-colonial way of life and religious movements and instead looks to the west.
As the opposing and weaker country India continues to feel threatened by it's relationship with the west and it's eastern neighbours. An article written about Nuclear testing outlines a treaty that has been accepted by the British, American, Chinese, French and Russian who are all waiting for India to agree.
"India's concerns are focused on it's neighbours, Pakistan and China, as well as on computer technology that could allow the big powers to develop nuclear weapons without test explosions.......The five declared nuclear powers - Britain, America, China, France and Russia - have refused to reopen talks. But with about 40 of the 61 countries involved thought to accept the draft treaty, they were trying to rally support for a procedural manoeuvre to bypass India's opposition" [20]
This article was given the title 'West denounces India for nuclear pact veto' which falls with the expected suggestion that the position of power lies with the West as opposed to the East, despite countries from each being in involved. The first part of the quote also illustrates India's divided attention, renown throughout it's move towards independence, between following the lead of the advanced technological west and the on going problems the country has with it's neighbours. Being in a state of conflict was a familiar representation throughout the early years of self rule and follows the image of 'Black means Trouble'.
India holding back can be read as a country attempting to gain status by not conforming and meeting the requests of the big powers. India appears to be awkward and at the same time retaining a fragment of power. This is remarked on in the second half of the quote when the 'powers' refuse to pander to India and instead are searching elsewhere, over looking India as a country of significant importance. Thus big powers are no longer looking to India to meet the demands of their own industries as they were in the days of imperial empires.
Alongside computers and nuclear testing India attempts to enter the western discourse can be seen by it's growing tourist industry. A number of western visitors flock to India each year to explore and experience the mysterious of the oriental East. This provides the opportunity for India to represent itself as a country with beauty of a difference where it can offer sights to fulfil the imagined snow capped Himalayan as, hidden white colonial houses and stretches of backwaters, all of which pander to the pictures created of the imperial orient.
Representations offer a reading of a country with economic growth and a land of stability which encourage Indian / British business to develop more inter-national links and communication. Tour operators have successfully been able to woo holiday makers to experience adventure creating India a reputation of being a favourite holiday destination. This however is threatened by such articles as this one entitled ‘Kashmir Killings Set Back Tourism' which presents a very negative image.
"A so-called militant co-ordination group, made up of all the state's main separatist factions, issued a statement last week requesting a ban on excursions in Kashmir. It said tourism did not go well with the struggle to free the region from Indian rule. More than a dozen groups are fighting Delhi's rule in India's only Muslim- majority state." [21]
This quote refers again to India's 'hot spot' and the problems surrounding it's internal divisions and signifies the danger of a savage population as opposed to a desirable civilised one. In addition, whilst every country acknowledges it's own crime rate when attacks are carried out on tourists it can seem to be more shocking. This on going conflict reminds readers of the harsher ideologies of India and creates a safer image of Britain in comparison.
Marking their 15th year of Independence India divulged into a critical self analysis which again could be seen as a follow through from their taught ways of inferior thinking.
"”…we have failed to meet our tryst with destiny; we are a disappointment”. It described this phenomenon as 'collective despair’… "The history of Independent India is pockmarked with compromises and failures" - Calcutta's Telegraph raged" [22]
The Times uses various quotes from the Indian press to seemingly give India a voice to speak openly about itself Thus giving an impression that as a post-colonial state India is one of us, a friend, Britain can be relied upon to be understanding and hold feelings of sympathy with their fellow countries ‘collective despair'. In this one particular article India condemns it's political system and talks of corruption and greed, which could arguable been taught to them through colonial example. The people of India aren't however ashamed of themselves but of their public image and the disgust rests predominantly on the people in power, again reinforces the idea of a division of masses.
Another example of Indian movement into the western discourse is the staging of the 1996 Miss World contest for the first time. This story is of particular interest because it combines representations of beauty using concepts of tradition and modernity. It is traditional to speak of the east as a home of beauty yet unheard of to display it in such a direct manner. A Beauty Contest may seem an appropriate way of showing the mysteries of the oriental land in a modern way yet it actuality it did in fact offend followers of the Hindu and Muslim faiths.
Traditions surrounding the eastern woman tell the world that she is represented by the man and spoken for by him with little known of her emotions. Needless to say the event itself caused alarm as it was women representing themselves and their sexuality. This was taken as an insult and provoked a number of threats of self-immolation pledged by Indian women as a sign of their disapproval. The western view point given to such a threat and the actual carrying out of suicide acts were voiced as shock that people should go so far. Such passionate acts, however seemingly irrational, aren't unheard of because on a number of occasions Ghandi demonstrated for what he believed in by fasting to near death.
This story doesn't offer a single model of representation but two contradictory ones. There are several images given to support the traditional eastern ideologies surrounding women and beauty. An example of this is the sari worn by the winner.
"Miss Greece, crowned Miss World on Saturday night, wore a sari borrowed from a hotel housekeeper yesterday to present herself to the press" [23]
By wearing a sari the winner was taking on Indian ideologies surrounding the way women should be dressed in their culture. It displayed the oriental colours and excellence of needle craft and fulfilled, for the press, an image of eastern sensuality. Little of the Indian woman is seen, her outer appearance is decorated and the detailing of her sexuality is hidden.
This offered a superficial token sign of respect with a limited opportunity for India to project it's own identity. The idea of such a contest and the parading of women in western fashion demonstrates the western ideological view of women. Miss World can be seen as an assault by western media on Indian culture, as it goes against Indian values by representing modern commercial images of sex and beauty. This also ignores the fact that sensuality itself is a very real part of Indian Life.
The response given by India to the extreme acts of protest was that it was a follow up act to the economic liberalisation that India was passing through and that large parts of the country are advancing and following the western footsteps and introducing conflicting Indian ideologies of caste and religion.
"The turmoil highlights unprecedented strains imposed on Indian society by economic liberalisation and the spread of satellite television." [24]
This response echo's the rejection by India as it once again condemns the effect western values have because of their influence in moral decline.
The current trend of backpackers exploring Eastern countries is often spoken about in connection with India. A British girl, Samantha Slater, became headline news when she was arrested for allegedly carrying drugs whilst visiting regions of India. Again this offers the stereotype images and representations that are expected, negative news. The emphasis taken in this influence was placed on the model being ill treated when detained in comparison to British jail standards. Emphasis was placed on the poor diet that would ‘naturally' be experienced in a country such as India.
"Samantha Slater, 25, from Birmingham, who was convicted of possessing cannabis resin two years ago while backpacking in the country, has been pardoned and released from Trissur central prison in Kerela state. She told an Indian journalist that she has been miserable and fed an 'unsatisfactory diet" [25]
Similar to the tourist incident in Kashmir this offers words of warning to readers and portrays the down side of visiting the 'savage' country. This negative image therefore supporting superior feelings of the west. Such incidences highlight a problem faced by people drawn by myths to visit a foreign land and experience another way of life. Whilst drugs grow naturally in spice valleys for their uses in medicine they too, like other countries, find their way onto the black market. The fact that India has similar laws to the west is often over looked and being in a different country with little to remind them of home may influence backpackers to perceive the culture of the ‘other' as a means of escapism. The enchantment and lack of boundaries within which to define themselves lead to the breaking of local laws. Following the cry of the modern attitude of 'do in Rome as they do' have misread and misinterpreted the culture and ways of society of the other.
Today when one thinks of India it is most probable that natural disaster is one aspect that will spring to mind following a history of such occurrences.
"Tons of rice were scattered, and banana and sugar cane plantations turned into swamps. Decaying bodies of livestock raised fears of water contamination and cholera. Indian navel helicopters, assisted by satellite information, dropped food and medicine to half a million people stranded by floods." [26]
The quote illustrates in one way images that were described by the colonial explorers but includes new representations. It writes about natural disasters that generally aren't experienced in Britain, food stuffs that are different and diseases that have died out in modern society. This conjures up pictures of helpless people having a primitive existence in comparison to the affluent west.
Whilst primarily drawn to the article with feelings of it's happening to ‘them' and not 'us' it is possible to realise that there isn't a direct cry for help as there would have been at the start of the 19th century. This proves that India is living as an independence country which is often questioned and described as failing. India is helping their own with medical supplies and satellite systems which suggests the presence of old and reoccurring problems but having a new way of solving them. It can also be read that this is an indication of the benefits of colonialism and the introduction of modern methods - they've progressed because we've helped them.
Despite the fall of the Raj and the British hegemonic structure within India there is still evidence today that some western ideologies were accepted and have been maintained since. The English language is an example of this.
"…English is still the most important language of education in India and that Indian English has acquired a distinct stock of new words and usage's. Schools, colleges and publishing houses in India, however, still take standard English as their model, 'and for this reason many words and usages in Indian English are often regarded as unacceptable."[27]
This is a reminder of the historical relationship between England and India and whilst most will not remember or know in detail of the colonial influences the connection is understood through the commonwealth. This shows how India accepted many British ideologies, one of which is the English language, and that it has become so naturalised that it is at the point of being claimed. The using of English words and making their own meaning shows how India adapted systems to their own ways. Humours examples are given such as to 'pull-on' is to progress in life, can appear as a quaint adaptation.
Despite the typical reporting of The Times, I suggest there is evidence of a more advanced modern civilisation in India. The Times of India provides such evidence to support a counter argument. Whilst representations of India having an advanced economy with technology and a fast growing consumer market would contradict the 'common sense' image that has been built over time, The Times of India can aptly portray such signs of progress. Having 'India' as part of its title gives the impression that it is the official word of the nation.
Over recent years there has been a shift of ideological and economic power from the west towards the east. Whilst India isn't amongst the dominating powers the rise and progression of it's neighbours has had a significant impact. Today there is evidence of this impact and Nehru's desire of a scientific India in such fields of computer technology. According to Subramanians study of "India and the Computer" he suggest that India has an advanced independent computer system.
"Since its conception, the Indian computer industry has had at different times been held up as a paragon of effective planning, public sector efficiency and private enterprise." [28]
Being a developing country it attempts to fit in with the developed computer industries in spite of its own internally produced skill and economic development.
Europe had it's era of supremacy which today can be seen as it's weakness according to Amilcar Cabral who's discourse on colonialism discusses how the act of imperialism was an act based on adventure and piracy which the west disguised as a much needed civilising mission can be seen to be acts of barbarianism. Since India wasn't colonised by accident and the attempt to establish hegemony wasn't an act carried out in Christian purity the now fallen empire is open to be condemned.
These acts have inspired non-western Islamic writers to attack the western centre through literature. Re-writing or writing what eastern populations consider to be their cultural ideologies and day to day ‘realities'. This can be identified as a method of decolonialising. The Times of India offers a source of day to day home news in India and provides a comparative. I looked at the leading story in The Times of India and the news story concerning India that was featured on the same day in The (British) Times.
On Monday 17th March 1997 The Times of India ran a leading story entitled "Testing times for Pharmaceutical Companies". The story was about how an independent consumer education and research centre in India was going to carry out standardising checks on pharmaceutical companies. The story was concerned with the Indian health service and medicine that is made available in the high street.
"Besides helping consumers (and doctors too) make an informed choice, such comparative testing will force manufactures to pay more attention to quality. Traditionally, pharmaceutical companies have treated doctors as their consumers, showering them with medical literature, publicity materials, samples and gifts. And in the absence of any information on brands, patients accepted the choice of the doctor and bought the brand prescribed to him or her. Independent evaluation of brands could, however, change all that." [29]
This quote offers notions of a self supportive country who is moving with the western world in working towards achieving uniformity within individual fields and is concerned with the market and consumer demands. This insinuates a number of research laboratories and indicates high levels of education, science and quality medicine, all of which add to a new image of a new independent India and contradicts references to victims. A new image of India dispels the oriental mystery and typical representations and instead portrays the society as an advancing and technological one. A similar story could be written about a British company.
The story featured in The Times on the same day is once again about India's relationship with Pakistan entitled "India makes peaceful overtures to Pakistan in bid to end 50 year conflict". The reporting itself concerns the problems surrounding the border line, continuous attempts to establish peace and a brief historical recap mentioning independence and the relationship between the two countries.
"With an apparently more conciliatory government in office in Pakistan and an India determination to improve relations, the prospects for defusing one of the world's most dangerous flash points have never been better."[30]
This I suggest is a typical representation, similar to the ones discussed in the first half of this chapter, as it reminds and educates people about colonial times. It once again highlights a divided nation in trouble and the problems within their independent governments.
This example of news stories written about India illustrates the different representations that can be received in Britain. The fact that they were written on the same day highlights the imperial slant of The Times which continues to write in terms of victim and , other' and the day to day reports of a modern India in The Times of India. I suggest a reason behind such a dramatic difference, other than the historic relationship between The Times l Britain and India, is that The Times of India writes for readers with knowledge of India and for those who have either business or personal interest in the country and society.
In British multicultural society there is a demand to know more than just a major incident and so The Times of India provides a more general look at events and development. The newspaper covers aspects of health, education, business and sport as well as tragedy and so represents the contrasting cultures of poverty and wealth. Forms of representations in the news concern race, class, gender, sexuality and for contemporary audiences such as The Times readership, the interests of a mass readership and the diversity leads to choices and tastes converging which leads to a more general and limited reporting of overseas news.
Today, India's national identity can be described as being in a state of metamorphosis. As a result of having been influenced by the ideologies of several European nation's it's history varies from region to region. Without a singular narrative, collective national identity or literature icon Indian writers have to struggle to find the real India on which to base a discourse and provide a self representation. India as a whole is caught with a foot in both tradition and modernity. T o look at it's pre-European origins for their root the natives face the difficulties surrounding the selection of dead concepts to over rule living ones. This can be seen as an act of regression to a country that has been taught to aspire to progression in the form of technology.
Tradition can be turned to by a nation in order to find pride within itself and to clarify it's identify.
"...the 'new' Indians in the 'new' India must comfort (via the new version of the old text) the lingering questions about ‘corruption' and ‘destruction' as they define their post colonial nationality."[31]
However, in turning to what they believe to be the past the actual text itself can be surrounded by myths. As this quote illustrates when looking to the past the old India and it's traditions are viewed in the same way. They look at both the stereotype and weakness or progress and take on the images that have grown outside the East concerning their labelled savage and uncivilised society.
From the examples taken from The Times it is possible to see that India is still seen as a weaker partner which allow s Britain to maintain superior feelings. In contrast India searches for a new identity to write itself a present and future in order to have an independent history. In Ernest Gellner's discussion of the national identity of India he writes;
"Nationalism is not the awakening of nations to self-consciousness: it invents nations where they do not exist.”[32]
This is apt to describe the situation that India is in when she attempts to find a way to self represent. Having been taught western ideologies surrounding a need for a singular national identity as opposed to a diverse unity, India is still struggling to write itself for the west. The Times of India, whilst writing about India in a more positive and constructing it's image of an advanced society it has little influence of the historically British papers.
In holding the modern day attitude of throwing off colonialism through the representations of The Times of India, has in parts moved to post colonialism and into modernity. It doesn't suggest that the whole of the country is changing at the same time as some parts were never touched by the British imperial rule whilst others were effected to a point of no return thus bringing a constant change in attitudes coupled with the mass movement of populations.
It is not that the Indian that The Times of London portrays is imagined and that The Times of India tells the truth, but that both represent in different ways to support the ideologies of their respective readers.
In this dissertation I have looked at notions of cultural imperialism and the role The Times plays in promoting the capitalist ideologies of bourgeoisie elite. Having had a function within the British attempt to establish a hegemonic rule within India, The Times was and still is an agent which communicates ideologies to individuals and masses alike, constructing boundaries within which an identity can be formed.
Needless to say, it is possible to consider how India and Britain made their identities based on their shared experience of Imperialism and as I have described in the main text, it was a period of time which shaped both nations and their respective images. It may have been thought that Britain dominated and influenced Indian ideologies but itself remained unchanged;
"The conventional model of cultural imperialism presumes the existence of a pure, internally homogenous, authentic, indigenous culture, which then become subverted or corrupted by foreign influence"[33]
This is discussed by Morley as he suggests that every culture accepts parts of alien cultures which then become naturalised. The examples I used to illustrate this were the civilising mission for example the English language, which was adapted to the point of being claimed as Indian culture. Likewise, the transport and government systems, on which India was run, still continue along the British lines today. However, India's population was made up of different religions before the British invaded as opposed to being a 'pure' culture and on becoming independent was and still is being influenced by western ideals by forming it's own capitalist ideologies, thus international hegemony lives on.
India's cultural ideologies have penetrated parts of other cultures by, for example, mass migrations, travellers, visitors and writers, that have reinforced and developed upon the imagined identity of India within Britain and in doing so have become naturalised and partially accepted themselves. The Times of India has constructed its own representation of India which I suggest is an example of how newspapers use an element of bias in accordance to their individual agendas.
The Times, being a paper for the bourgeoisie became an icon of national significance. Unlike television and radio, it clearly identified it's readers and their aspirations and wrote in a discourse which was underpinned with the thought of "what India could do for us". By creating feelings of national pride and stimulating morale it echoed according to Curran and Seaton, Prime Minister Churchill's philosophies of honour, national pride and the importance of history which increased the popularity of the paper.
The 1990's representations in The Times continue to provide the common sense images developing the historic pattern and self reputation of an accurate, trusty informer. Having achieved a position it can successfully construct a 'version' of an event - the representations are believed based on the existence of the reporter, the listing of facts which suggest objectivity and raw reality and an eye witnessed or spokes person who provides a confirmation.
It seems that The Times viewed this opportunity of communicating, unquestioned to the masses as a potential means of propaganda, stirring up the British self belief Having held it's audience by it's rich resourceful methods of reporting, writing in an educated and informative manner its readers were impressed by the ability to gain such knowledge.
This can be identified further when the oriental and eurocentric bias was perceived to have contributed towards the empires global success.
"The Times in 1918 had argued that effective propaganda had hastened victory by a year, and consequently saved a million lives.”[34]
As I discussed, during imperial times and war people responded well to feelings of togetherness and security of a united British nation and a collective identity. The discourses and images used in The Times had selected to reinforce the British ideologies, highlighting the positive aspects of a capitalist society and offering India as a comparative which demonstrated an inferior existence. By drawing a comparison to themselves it enabled the readers to construct images for themselves with their own society and culture as a base line. Thus the relationship between the west and the east defines the identities of both.
Similarly to the competition in claiming territory during the cultural imperial period today we witness corporate imperialism. The global media powers of recent years fight to reach maximum audiences and achieve their own superior empires. Each differ in ideologies but with a similar agenda enter a global hegemonic battle of domination.
Whilst India is represented in The Times in a common sense way which is still seemingly under-rated it has been acknowledged as having an important economy and being a valuable commodity. For Rupert Murdoch, owner of The Times, this provides a reason to tread with sensitivity when operating within a competitive market and being aware that relations are essential should a future business venture develop - hence the combination of traditional and modern representations. It can be presumed that the question at the forefront of Murdoch's mind is "what India can do for his empire".
Thus Murdoch has recognised that;
"For this is one factor which all the economists and politicians have ignored - the latent skill of the Indian field of business, trade or industry, where he is equal to the best anywhere in the world."[35]
India is not only a potential source of business connections, like the example of its computer industry that I discussed in chapter two, but it also has a huge English speaking market. Similarly to British methods of establishing a hegemonic rule by destabilising India and using subtle carriers to introduce ideologies in order to dominate, Rupert Murdoch, uses his companies and various mediums to influence his audiences and promote his power.
"Murdoch is admired as the most complete own-and-operate media mogul; he is seen as having a unique combination of skills in finance and journalism, in print and television, and in his three chosen locations."[36]
With the power and control of mediums being within private hands as opposed to the state, individual moguls such as Murdoch have the opportunity, to some extent, to enforce their own ideologies of capitalism and those of the state which work to the advantage and interest of his agenda.
Murdoch owns companies within Britain, Australia and America and competes with other media empires to be the dominant power and one which has a greater influence on it's audience. News and information flows from the centre of the Murdoch empire enforcing his philosophy of rule and it can be presumed that each of his individual companies has a role and function which support each other and collectively represent the image Murdoch desires.
1. Foreign Correspondent, "Millions Starving in Indian Famine", The Times, 27th March 1900 p.5.
2. Foreign Correspondent, "Indian Affairs", The Times, September 26th 1906, p.6.
3. Foreign Correspondent, "Frontier Problems", The Times, March 6th 1906, p.8.
4. Foreign Correspondent, "Punjab Outbreak - Refugees Flock into Kashmir", The Times, March 13th 1947, p.8.
5. Foreign Correspondent, "Mrs Ghandi rebuffs Pakistan proposal that ties be resumed", The Times, January 2nd 1974, p.8.
6. Foreign Correspondent, "Pakistanis likely to be stranded in Nepal", The Times, February 13th 1974, p.9.
7. Pran Chopra, "Achievements and problems", The Times Survey, January 26th 1962, p.1.
8. Pran Chopra, "Achievements and problems", The Times Survey, January 26th 1962, p.1.
9. Foreign Correspondent, "West Denounces India for Nuclear Pact Veto", The Times, August 21st 1996, p.
10. Foreign Correspondent, "Kashmir Killings Set Back Tourism", The Times, July, 17th 1996, p.15
11. Christopher Thomas, "India Looks Back in Despair at 50 years of Self-Rule", The Times, August 17th 1996, p.15
12. Christopher Thomas, "Indians gamble on Poll in Kashmir", The Times, September 7th 1997,p.15
13. Christopher Thomas, "Activistis go into hiding as Miss World is Crowned", The Times, November 25th 1996, p.15.
14. Christopher Thomas, "Beauty Pagent stirs Indian Passions", The Times, November 18th 1996, p.17.
15. Coomi Kaboor, "Model in Indian Jail Freed After Campaign”, The Times, October 5th 1996, p.3.
16. Coomi Kaboor, "Death toll at least 1’000 in Indian Cyclone", The Times, November 9th 1996, p.15.
17. Christopher Thomas, "How to 'pull-on' in Indian English", The Times, November 18th 1996, p.17.
18. Christopher Thomas, "India makes peaceful Overtures to Pakistan in bid to end 50 year Conflict, The Times, March 17th 1997, p.11.
"Testing Time for Pharmaceutical Companies", The Times of India, http://www.timesofindia.com/170397/indi1.htm, Monday 17th March 1997.
"Media Daily",
http://www.Mediacentral.com:80/magazinesMediaDailyArchive1997042113.html/634827
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[1] Edward Said, "Introduction", Orientalism, New York, Pantheon, (1979), p.3.
[2] E.J. Hobsbawn, "The Age of Empire", The Age of Empire 1875 - 1914, London, Abacus (1987) p.60.
[3] Terry Eagleton, 1lWhat is Ideology", An Introduction to Ideology, London, Verso, (1996), p.2.
[4] Edward Said, "The Scope of Orientalism", Orientalism, New York, Pantheon (1979), p.53.
[5] Edward Said, "The Scope of Orientalism", Orientalism, New York, Pantheon ( 1979)p.54.
[6] Foreign Correspondent, "Millions Starving in Indian Famine", The Times, 27th March 1900 p.5.
[7] Edward Said, "The Scope of Orientalism", Orientalism, New York, Pantheon (1979), p.73.
[8] Jyotsna G Singh, "Shakespeare and the 'civilising mission’", Colonial Narratives, Cultural Dialogues, Routledge, London (1996) p.120.
[9] E.J. Hobsbawn, "End of Empires", The Age of Empire 1875-1914, London, Abacus (1987), p.199.
[10] Foreign Correspondent, "Indian Affairs", The Times, 26th September 1906 p.6.
[11] Amilcar Cabral, "National liberation & Culture", Colonial Discourse & Post Colonial Theory, a reader, ed. Patrick Williams & Laura Chrisman, London, Harvester Wheatsheaf (1994), p.54.
[12] Amilcar Cabral, "National Liberation & Culture", Colonial Discourse & Post Colonial Theory, a reader, ed. Patrick Williams & Laura Chrisman, London, Harvester Wheatsheaf (1994), p.56.
[13] Foreign Correspondence, "Frontier Problems", The Times, 6th March 1906, p.8.
[14] Foreign Correspondent, "Punjab Outbreak - Refugees Flock into Kashmir", The Times, 13th March 1947, p.8.
[15] Foreign Corespondent, "Mrs Ghandi rebuffs Pakistan Proposal that Ties be Resumed", The Times, 2nd January 1974, p.8.
[16] Foreign Correspondent, "Pakistanis Likely to be Stranded in Nepal", The Times, 13th February 1974, p.9.
[17] Pran Chopra, "Achievements and problems", The Times Survey, 26th, January 1962, p.l.
[18] Pran Chopra "Achievements and problems", The Times Survey, 26th January 1962, p.l.
[19] Jyotsna Singh, "The Blind Age", Colonial NarrativesfCultural Dialogues - Discoveries of India in the Language of Colonialism, London, Routledge, (1996), p.183.
[20] Foreign Correspondent, "West denounces India for Nuclear Pact Veto", The Times, August 21st 1996, p.16.
[21] Foreign Correspondent, "Kashmir Killings Set Back Tourism", The Times, Wednesday July 17th 1996, p.16.
[22] Christopher Thomas, 'India looks back in despair at 50 years of self-rule', The Times, Saturday August 17th 1996, p.16.
[23] Christopher Thomas, "Activists go into hiding as Miss World is crowned", The Times, Monday November 25th 1996, p.15.
[24] Christopher Thomas, "Beauty pageant stirs Indian passions", The Times, 18th November 1996, p.17.
[25] Coomi Kaboor, "Model in Indian jail freed after campaign", The Times, 5th October 1996, p.3.
[26] Coomi Kapoor, "Death toll at least 1 000 in Indian cyclone", The Times, Saturday 9th November 1996, p.15.
[27] Christopher Thomas, 'How to 'pull on' in Indian English', The Times, August 21st, (1996), p.16.
[28] C.R. Subramanian, "Introduction", India and The Computer - A Study of Planned development, Delhi, Oxford University Press, (1992), p.1.
[29] "Testing Time for Pharmaceutical Companies", The Times of India, http:llwww.timesofindia.coml1703971indial.htm, Monday 17th March 1997,p.1.
[30] Christopher Thomas, "India makes Peaceful Overtures to Pakistan in bid to end 50 year Conflict", The Times, March 17th 1997, p. ll.
[31] Jyotsna Singh, "The Blind Age", Colonial Narratives / Cultural Dialogues - Discoveries of India in the Language of Colonialism, London, Routledge (1994), p.179.
[32] Jyotsna Singh, "The Blind Age", Colonial Narratives / Cultural Dialogues - Discoveries of India in the Language of Colonialism, London, Routledge (1994), p.160.
[33] Start Hall, "EurAm, Modemity, reason and aiterity", Critical Dialogues in Cultural Studies, ed. David Morley & Kuan-Husing Chen, London, Routledge, (1996), p.330.
[34] James curron & Jean Seaton, "Broadcasting and the blitz", Power without Responsibility, 4th.ed. London, Routledge, (1995), p.152.
[35] C.R. Subramanian, "A look to the Future", India and the Computer - A Study of Planned Development, Delhi, Oxford University Press, (1992), p.310.
[36] Jeremy Tunstall & Michael Palmer, "Media Moguls in Britain", Media Moguls, London, Routledge, (1991), p.121.
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